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OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE 
AND  LITERATURE 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  •  BOSTON  •  CHICAGO  •  DALLAS 
ATLANTA  •  SAN  FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limited 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2019  with  funding  from 
Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


https://archive.org/details/oldtestamentlifeOOmatt 


OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE 
AND  LITERATURE 


I.  G.  MATTHEWS 


PBOFESSOR  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  UTERATITRE  AND  EXEGESIS, 
CROZEE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


jSeSn  gotfi 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1923 


All  rights  reserved 


FEINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


Copyright,  1923, 

By  the  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.  Published  February,  1923. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Preface . xiii 

I.  Ancient  Civilization .  1 


Earlier  than  Hebrew  people  or  0.  T. 
writers;  Babylonia  and  Egypt  attained 
high  development  before  2000  b.c. 

Palestine  settled  in  prehistoric  times ; 
Amorit©  migrations  followed  later.  In¬ 
fluence  of  Babylonia,  Egypt  and  Hittites; 
the  Habiri. 

II.  Geography  of  Palestine . 11 

The  maritime  plain;  Shephelah;  high¬ 
lands;  east- Jordan;  influences,  geographic 
and  international. 

III.  Ancient  Literary  Methods . 15 

(A)  General  facts;  Literature  is  world¬ 

wide,  preceded  by  development  of 
language  and  civilization,  the  prod¬ 
uct  of  civilization,  the  scribe  the 
result  of  the  demand  for  a  record. 

(B)  The  Old  Testament;  like  all  litera¬ 

ture  it  has  suffered  from  translation, 
transcription,  and  interpolation. 

(C)  Sources  for  history  of  Israel. 

1.  Theory  of  Mosaic  authorship  of 

Pentateuch,  etc.,  difficulties. 
Biblical  claims. 

2.  The  modern  theory  of  origin  of 

historical  literature.  Material, 


V 


VI 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  ^  page 

pre-Mosaic,  Mosaic,  hero  sto¬ 
ries,  J.  and  E.  documents,  their 
union;  Deuteronomic  school; 
Priestly  school. 

IV.  The  Patriarchs . 33 

Abraham,  Jacob,  Joseph;  tribal  tradi¬ 
tions. 

V.  Egypt  and  the  Exodus . 37 

Goshen;  Egypt;  Sinai;  Oppression;  Exo¬ 
dus. 

VI.  Israel’s  Experience  in  the  Wilderness  .  42 

(A)  Wilderness  conditions;  south,  north, 

population  and  life. 

(B)  Wilderness  wanderings;  journey ings, 

covenant,  Jethro. 

(C)  The  struggle;  physical  difficulties, 

war,  food  supply,  organization,  jus¬ 
tice,  religion. 

(D)  The  achievement  of  Moses. 

VII.  Entrance  into  and  Settlement  in  Canaan  59 

(A)  Preparation;  south,  north  and  east. 

(B)  Entrance;  nucleus  of  the  nation, 

Jericho. 

(C)  Occupation;  sources  of  history  in 

Joshua  and  Judges,  analyses,  con¬ 
quest  south,  middle  and  north. 

(D)  Settlement;  chronology,  Canaanites, 

eastern  invaders,  Philistines;  devel¬ 
opment  in  organization,  industry, 
morals  and  religion. 

VIII.  The  Rise  of  the  Monarchy  ....  76 

Literature  analyzed.  Eli  and  the  Philis¬ 
tines.  Need  of  a  king.  Saul,  victory  over 
Ammonites,  crowned  king;  failure.  The 


CONTENTS 


Vll 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


X. 


XL 


XII. 


PAGE 

task;  internal  strife;  death  of  Saul; 
achievement.  Progress,  economic,  social 
and  religious,  prophecy;  literature  and  art. 

The  United  Kingdom  under  David  ...  90 

(A)  The  history  of  David;  first  appear¬ 

ance,  popularity,  outlaw,  natural 
leader,  crowned  at  Hebron,  con¬ 
quest  of  north,  Jerusalem  captured; 
Philistines  overthrown ;  kingdom 
consolidated ;  rebellions  of  Absa¬ 
lom,  Shimei,  Ephraim,  Sheba,  and 
Adonijah  quelled;  the  greatness  of 
David. 

(B)  The  internal  conditions;  military, 

government,  cabinet,  industry, 
plague  and  famine,  social,  ethical, 
and  religious  life;  literature. 

The  United  Kingdom  under  Solomon  .  .  108 

Early  executions ;  revolting  nations ; 
growing  commerce;  international  rela¬ 
tions  ;  home  policy ;  changing  customs ; 
background ;  personal  characteristics ; 
authorship  of  Proverbs.  Song  of  Songs, 
Ecclesiastes.  Religious  life. 

The  Divided  Kingdom,  First  Period,  933- 
887  .  120 

(A)  Analysis  of  literature;  editorial  re¬ 

vision. 

(B)  Sketch  of  history;  disruption,  causes, 

results,  activities. 

(C)  National  conditions;  religious  reac¬ 

tion.  Editor’s  viewpoint. 

The  Divided  Kingdom,  Second  Period,  887- 
842  .  134 

(A)  Historical  sketch;  Omri,  Ahab,  Kar- 
kar,  Syria;  economic  growth. 


Vlll 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

(B)  Religious  influences,  Canaan,  Tyre, 

Elijah,  schools  of  the  prophets, 
Micaiah. 

(C)  Writing. 

XIIL  The  Divided  Kingdom,  Third  Period,  842- 
740  . 

(A)  Historical  sketch;  revolution;  trib¬ 

ute  to  Assyria;  raids  by  Syria;  the 
north  gains  strength,  Judah  a  vassal. 

(B)  Internal  conditions;  economic,  moral 

and  religious ;  ritual  developed ; 
righteousness  demanded  by  Amos 
and  Hosea;  primitive  ideas  persist¬ 
ing. 

(C)  Literature;  civilization  now  demands 

it;  song  books;  J.  document,  analy¬ 
sis  of,  and  message;  Elijah  stories; 
E.  document,  analysis  of,  and  mes¬ 
sage;  Amos  and  Hosea. 

XIV.  The  Last  Days  of  Israel,  740-722  .  .  . 

The  Assyrian  campaigns;  the  ^Ten 
tribes”;  the  Samaritans. 

XV.  The  Kingdom  of  Judah,  Reigns  of  Ahaz 

and  Hezekiah,  735-686  . 

(A)  Historical  sketch;  Ahaz,  at  Damas¬ 

cus;  Hezekiah,  rebellion  and  pun¬ 
ishment;  the  Biblical  narratives  and 
their  interpretation. 

(B)  Internal  conditions;  social,  economic, 

ethical  and  religious. 

(C)  Literature;  Psalms;  Proverbs;  Isaiah, 

the  book,  its  analysis  and  mes¬ 
sage;  Micah,  the  man,  and  his 
message. 


PAGE 


143 


161 


166 


CONTENTS 


IX 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVI.  The  Kingdom  of  Judah,  Manasseh  to  Jo- 

siAH,  686-608  .  184 


(A)  The  reigns  of  Manasseh  and  Amon. 

Religious  revolution;  world-politics; 
the  Assyrian  kings  and  their 
achievements;  a  half-century  of 
prophetic  silence. 

(B)  The  reign  of  Josiah.  The  Scythians; 

Pharaoh-Necho  and  the  king’s 
death.  Zephaniah  and  Jeremiah. 
The  great  reform  and  its  chief  fea¬ 
tures,  date  and  authorship  of  book 
of  the  law;  Jeremiah’s  relation  to  it. 
Union  of  J.E.  Deuteronomic  activ¬ 
ity.  Nahum. 


XVII.  The  Last  Days  of  Judah,  608-586  .  .  .  200 

(A)  The  reigns  of  Jehoahaz  and  Jehoi- 

akim.  The  kings;  Jeremiah  and  for¬ 
mal  religion;  the  fall  of  Assyria  and 
rise  of  Babylon.  The  new  problem, 
and  the  answer  of  Jeremiah  and 
Habakkuk;  the  first  edition  of  Jere¬ 
miah;  Jehoiakim’s  rebellion. 

(B)  The  reigns  of  Jehoiakin  and  Zede- 

kiah.  Siege  of  city;  Jeremiah’s 
council;  length  of  captivity;  con¬ 
spiracy  of  the  king.  Ezekiel  in  cap¬ 
tivity.  Revolt  of  Jerusalem;  siege 
and  fall.  Jeremiah,  Gedaliah’s  mur¬ 
der  and  flight  of  princes. 

(C)  Reconstruction  of  the  hope  of  Israel. 

Ezekiel  and  Jeremiah.  Fimdamen- 
tal  principles,  religion  a  personal  ex¬ 
perience,  the  new  covenant.  Deu¬ 
teronomic  activity.  Psalms  and 
Proverbs. 


X 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVIII.  The  Period  of  the  Exile,  586-539  .  .  .  218 

(A)  The  early  years  of  the  exile. 

Conditions  in  Palestine;  immigra¬ 
tion.  Conditions  in  Egypt;  colony 
in  Assuan.  Colony  in  Babylonia. 
Ezekiel,  his  early  and  later  mes¬ 
sages,  the  temple  vision.  Holiness 
code,  compared  with  Ezekiehs  code. 
Deuteronomic  activity ;  Lamenta¬ 
tions;  Psalms. 

(B)  The  closing  years  of  the  exile. 

Conquests  of  Cyrus.  Prophetic  mes¬ 
sages,  additions  to  earlier  books, 

Isa.  xl.-lv. 

XIX.  The  Persian  Period,  539-332  ....  244 

(A)  The  opening  decades  under  Persian 

supremacy,  539-516. 

Ezra-Nehemiah,  the  book  a  frag¬ 
mentary  compilation  with  uncertain 
chronology. 

Haggai  and  Zech.  i-viii  are  first 
sources  for  period. 

History  of  Persia,  Cyrus,  Darius  I. 

The  return,  edict  and  result,  Shesh- 
bazzar,  Zerubbabel.  Second  temple 
built  and  dedicated;  architecture. 
Messianic  hope;  temple  influence. 

(B)  The  fifth  century  B.C. 

History,  Xerxes,  Artaxerxes  I,  Da¬ 
rius  II  and  Artaxerxes  II. 

Nehemiah  precedes  Ezra,  his  re¬ 
forms.  Ezra  and  the  law. 

Contemporary  literature. 

Inner  life  of  Jerusalem;  Messianic 
hope. 

(C)  The  closing  decades  of  Persian  su¬ 

premacy,  400-332.  Historical  back¬ 
ground.  Persia  and  Greece.  Litera- 


CONTENTS 


XI 


ture  from  400-330;  Legalistic;  lib¬ 
eral;  liturgical,  Psalms,  Bk.  I.  Wis¬ 
dom,  Job;  Apocalyptic,  Joel,  Isa. 
Ixiii.  7-lxvi.  21. 

XX.  The  Greek  Period,  332-135  . 

(A)  Historical  sketch. 

Alexander’s  conquests;  Empire  di¬ 
vided;  Syria  a  buffer  state;  Egypt 
controls  from  280  to  198;  Ptolemy 
II;  Joseph  the  tax  gatherer;  Ptolemy 
III  and  IV. 

The  Seleucids  control  from  198  to 
165. 

The  Maccabees,  conquest  and  high- 
priesthood,  165-135. 

Influence  of  Greek  culture.  San¬ 
hedrin,  Synagogue. 

(B)  Religious  and  literary  activity. 

Legalism;  priestly  code;  Chronicles; 
Ezra-Nehemiah. 

Folk-tales,  non-canonical,  Esther, 
Dan.  i.  iii.  -vi. 

Liturgy,  Psalms,  Bks.  ii.-v. 
Apocalypticism,  Isa.  xxiv.-xxvii. 
Zech.  ix.-xiv.  Dan.  ii.  vii.-xi. 

Greek  influence,  Septuagint,  Jonah, 
Prov.  i.-ix.  Eccl.,  Song  of  Songs. 

XXI.  The  Old  Testament  Canon . 

Chronological  Chart . 

Selected  Bibliography . 

Index . 


PAGE 


281 


314 

317 

319 

321 


PREFACE 


Those  most  familiar  with  the  Old  Testament  realize 
best  that  next  to  the  New  Testament,  it  is  the  most 
inspiring  treasury  of  religious  experience  that  the  world 
possesses.  Yet,  it  is  well  known  that  to  many  devout 
people,  even  among  religious  leaders,  it  is  almost  en¬ 
tirely  a  closed  book.  This  is  due,  in  part  at  least,  to 
the  great  difficulty  in  gaining  an  adequate  knowledge 
of  the  times  and  the  conditions  under  which  many  of 
its  messages  were  delivered. 

To  meet  this  need,  for  those  who  are  eager  to  follow 
the  story  of  the  Old  Testament  revelation,  this  book 
has  been  prepared.  History  and  literature  are  here 
considered  together.  Indeed,  all  phases  of  human  ac¬ 
tivity,  economic,  social,  philosophic  and  religious,  are 
but  varying  expressions  of  the  unitary  life  of  a  people  ; 
the  parts  of  one  whole. 

So  far  as  space  has  permitted,  all  those  contacts, 
national  and  international,  that  influenced  the  He¬ 
brews,  have  been  presented  as  the  background  of  the 
literature.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  national  travail, 
with  its  frequent  tragedy  and  occasional  triumph,  that 
the  great  Old  Testament  leaders  ever  ministered, 
directly  to  their  fellow  men,  in  the  realm  of  morals 
and  religion. 

The  story  of  that  past  is  a  thrilling  one,  full  of 
grave  crises,  high  hopes  and  noble  heroisms,  in  a  very 
real  world.  The  writer  hopes  that  those  ancient  scenes 
that  are  so  vivid  to  himself  and  that  message  he  deems 
so  worth-while  to  human  life  today,  may  become  more 


Kill 


XIV 


PREFACE 


intelligible  and  more  inspiring  to  the  student,  through 
the  medium  of  the  following  pages. 


I.  G.  Matthews. 


Crozer  Theological  Seminary, 
Chester,  Pa, 

Nov.  I6th,  1922. 


OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE 
AND  LITERATURE 


OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE 
AND  LITERATURE 


CHAPTER  I 

ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION 

The  interest  of  the  Old  Testament  writers  in  foreign 
lands  and  peoples  was  very  limited.  Palestine,  until 
the  time  of  the  exile,  was  the  circumference  as  well  as 
the  center  of  their  world.  The  smaller  tribes  that  lay 
along  their  borders  and  constantly  crossed  their  path¬ 
way,  Philistia,  Moab,  Ammon,  Edom,  Amalek,  Syria, 
and  Phoenicia,  were  well  known.  With  these  people 
Israel  lived  very  much  as  in  a  family  of  tribes.  Their 
boundary  lines  were  never  very  distinct,  and  their  con¬ 
tacts  were  frequently  close  though  not  always  happy. 
On  the  wider  horizon  loomed  up  Egypt  on  the  south, 
Babylonia  and  Assyria  on  the  northeast,  and  in  the 
later  days  Persia  and  Greece.  China,  with  its  civiliza¬ 
tion  highly  developed  from  before  the  time  of  Abra¬ 
ham,  and  India  with  its  growing  populations,  were  all 
but  unknown.  The  wider  the  horizon,  and  the  more 
distant  the  people,  naturally  the  less  was  the  interest 
displayed  by  the  Scripture  writers,  and  the  more  in¬ 
definite  and  hazy  their  information.  This  is  notice¬ 
ably  true  the  farther  we  go  back  into  the  civilization 
that  preceded  the  time  of  the  Hebrew  writers 
themselves. 

No  doubt  Palestine  was  inhabited  in  very  early 

1 


2  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


times.  But  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
garden  of  Eden,  where  the  first  parents  of  the  human 
family  lived,  was  not  located  here.  Nor  was  the  earli¬ 
est  civilization  developed  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
Conditions  in  Palestine  were  not  conducive  to  early 
permanent  settlements.  The  Biblical  narratives  do 
not  require  it,  while  the  evidences  of  science  make  it 
an  impossibility. 

Development  Sketched — Between  the  first  family 
and  a  settled,  well-organized  community,  there  must 
have  intervened  long  centuries  of  development.  The 
Old  Testament  does  not  tell  the  details  of  this  story. 
Only  reminiscences  of  certain  links  in  the  process  are 
preserved  in  Genesis.  Cain  built  a  city;  the  sons  of 
Lamech,  Tubal-Cain,  who  was  a  forger  of  brass  and 
iron,  and  Jubal,  who  was  the  inventor  of  musical  in¬ 
struments,  were  the  accredited  pioneers  of  civilization ; 
Noah  built  an  ark;  and  his  descendants  constructed  the 
tower  of  Babel  (Gen.  iv.  17-22;  vii.-xi).  These  sen¬ 
tences  are  but  late  summaries  of  that  which  took 
millennia  of  toil  and  struggle  to  accomplish,  and  leave 
vast  areas  for  the  historian  to  fill  out. 

In  the  beginning,  human  life  and  its  relationships 
must  have  been  very  simple.  Needs  and  customs  were 
very  few  and  primitive.  As  man  slowly  learned  to 
master  nature,  his  food  supply  increased  and  became 
more  assured.  With  this  came  the  larger  family,  then 
the  more  numerous  clan,  which  expanded  into  the 
tribe,  which  still  later,  if  the  process  of  growth  con¬ 
tinued,  became  the  nation.  At  each  onward  stage  of 
growth  new  customs  and  new  laws  emerged,  new 
intellectual  energies  were  awakened,  new  inventions 
produced,  and  new  ambitions  stimulated.  To  recon¬ 
struct  this  early  history  from  the  known  laws  of  primi¬ 
tive  society,  and  from  the  glimpses  ancient  history  has 
preserved  to  us,  would  be  a  fascinating  task.  While  it 
would  contribute  much  to  our  appreciation  of  the  life 


ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION 


3 


and  the  literature  of  the  Old  Testament  people,  most 
of  it  must  be  omitted  in  this  treatment.  Only  in  the 
most  rapid  way  can  we  touch  on  some  of  the  significant 
features  of  two  great  ancient  civilizations  that  fiour- 
ished  before  the  time  of  Abraham,  and  influenced  in 
no  small  measure  the  destinies  of  the  Hebrew  nation. 

Early  Babylonian  History— Before  the  dawn  of  Pal¬ 
estinian  history,  two  great  neighbor  nations  were  ris¬ 
ing  rapidly  to  the  zenith  of  their  culture.  Babylonia, 
across  the  desert  to  the  east,  if  not  actually  the  earlier, 
may  here  first  claim  our  attention.  Lying  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  Tigris-Euphrates  valley,  its  mild 
climate,  well-watered  and  fruitful  soil,  invited  and 
fostered  the  development  of  a  large  community.  Here 
cities  like  Eridu  and  Ur  were  founded  very  early,  fol¬ 
lowed  later  by  others,  as  Larsa,  Erech,  and  Nippur.  A 
system  of  cuneiform  writing,  i.e.,  various  combinations 
of  wedge  shapes  impressed  in  clay  tablets,  representing 
the  various  syllables  of  the  language,  was  devised  in 
very  early  centuries.  Temple  inscriptions,  which  many 
believe  go  back  as  early  as  6000  b.c.,  have  been  found. 
Only  a  few  of  the  great  mounds,  which  indicate  the 
location  of  ancient  cities,  have  been  excavated.  These 
have  yielded  the  partial  story  of  the  existence  of 
thronged  cities  where  there  was  the  mingling  of  races, 
and  the  growth  of  wealth  and  splendor,  which  be¬ 
longed  to  a  very  complex  life. 

Sumerians  (Shinar  of  the  O.T.),  a  non-Semitic 
people  from  the  east,  mingled  with  the  Semites,  who 
poured  in  from  the  Arabian  desert.  Each  made  its 
contribution  to  the  amalgam,  but  which  was  the 
earlier,  and  which  made  the  richer  contribution  to  the 
later  culture,  is  still  a  moot  point.  The  Semitic  in 
time,  at  least,  became  the  dominant  race.  It  is  a  long 
story,  and  somewhat  clouded  in  obscurity.  Rulers  rose 
and  fell.  The  exercise  of  their  authority  was  measured 
only  by  their  ability  and  ambition.  The  king  of  one 


4  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


city  conquered  others  and  imposed  his  rule  upon  them. 
Gradually,  out  of  the  melee  the  city  states  arose.  From 
that  emerged  the  nation. 

The  story  of  life  in  the  southern  part  of  this  valley 
can  now  be  read  in  outline  from  before  4000  b.c.  For 
over  a  thousand  years  we  follow  the  tangled  skein  of 
growing  empire  till  the  time  of  Sargon  I,  about  2800 
B.c.  He  extended  his  rule  over  all  the  Babylonian 
valley  and  sent  his  armies  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea  on 
a  three  years'  campaign.  Naram-Sin,  a  successor, 
celebrated  his  achievements  and  the  extent  of  his  em¬ 
pire  by  claiming  the  title,  ^‘king  of  the  four  corners  of 
the  earth."  For  centuries,  the  course  of  empire,  with 
its  tale  of  slow,  painful  upbuilding  followed  by  sudden 
collapses,  took  its  way. 

Perhaps  the  climax  is  found  in  the  days  of  the  Am- 
orite  king  Hammurabi  (2123-2081  b.c.)  By  this 
time  national  development  had  a  long  history.  It 
possessed  a  vast  inheritance  of  ancient  custom,  regu¬ 
lating  social,  industrial,  and  religious  life.  It  had  its 
hoary  traditions,  its  legends,  its  myths,  and  philos¬ 
ophies.  It  had  its  well-defined  caste  system,  ranging 
from  the  slave,  who  was  a  chattel,  to  the  king.  In¬ 
scriptions  from  this  period  abound,  but  none  is  more 
important  than  the  famous  code  of  laws  found  in 
Persia  in  1901  by  the  French  ambassador,  DeMorgan. 
The  startling  resemblance  of  at  least  a  score  of  the 
laws  of  this  code  to  laws  found  in  Exodus  xxi.-xxiii. 
has  illuminated  the  whole  question  of  Old  Testament 
legislation.  Frequently  after  this  period,  Babylon 
played  a  very  significant  role  in  world  history,  but 
never  had  she  greater  luster  or  more  importance  than 
during  this  reign. 

Early  Egyptian  History— Egypt  was  the  home  of 
the  other  ancient  civilization.  Here  again  a  great 
stream,  the  Nile,  was  the  fertilizing  source  of  national 
development.  Again  the  mild  climate  and  the  naturally 


ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION 


5 


rich  soil  contributed  the  elements  needed  for  its  nur¬ 
ture.  In  some  respects  the  growth  of  civilization  in 
the  Nile  valley  paralleled  that  of  the  Tigris-Euphrates. 
Progress  in  the  arts  and  sciences  was  slow  and  toilsome, 
but  the  struggle  through  long  centuries  brought  vic¬ 
tory.  Rude  flint  implements  gave  way  to  polished 
stone.  Stone  was  supplemented  in  the  course  of  time 
by  copper  and  iron.  Sparse  populations  were  super¬ 
seded  by  vast  throngs.  Group  was  united  to  group, 
and  two  nations,  Upper  Egypt  and  Lower  Egypt,  came 
into  being.  These  two  were  welded  into  one  in  the 
time  of  Menes  (cir.  3400  b.c.).  Then  followed  the 
growing  splendor  of  ancient  tyrannies,  the  landmarks 
of  which  we  know  so  well.  The  early  tombs,  the  rem¬ 
nants  of  early  masonry,  the  precious  stones  quarried 
in  far-distant  mines,  the  obelisks,  the  pyramids,  the 
temples,  the  sphinx,  the  Tel-el-Amarna  letters,  and 
the  innumerable  inscriptions  that  have  been  so  care¬ 
fully  translated,  all  unite  to  tell  the  story  of  the  pomp 
and  pride  of  an  ancient  people  who  played  a  leading, 
if  indeed  not  the  chief,  role  in  architecture,  invention, 
statecraft,  law,  letters,  and  religion  during  the  two 
millennia  preceding  the  dawn  of  Hebrew  history. 

Religion — Two  illustrations  will  suffice  to  indicate 
their  importance  in  the  field  of  religion.  The  first  is 
the  story  of  the  prophet  Ipuwer.  This  man,  who  to 
us  is  but  a  ^Voice  crying  in  the  wilderness,”  preached 
up  and  down  the  country  that  destruction  must  fall 
upon  the  land  because  of  the  sins  and  the  vices  of 
the  people.  Called  before  the  Pharaoh  about  1800 
B.c.  he  declared  that  ruin  was  inevitable  because  of 
the  social  and  political  evils  of  the  day,  but  that  there 
would  ultimately  arise  a  Savior  who  would  be  “the 
shepherd  of  all  the  people.”  We  cannot  fail  to  notice 
the  similarity  of  this  fragment  to  the  tone  of  some  of 
the  Hebrew  prophets. 

Ikhnaton  (1375-1358  b.c.),  the  heretic  king,  who 


6  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


reigned  before  the  days  of  Moses,  stands  out  as  another 
illustration  of  a  peculiarly  lofty  ideal.  He  tried  to 
introduce  the  worship  of  the  one  God,  “the  God  of 
things  as  they  are,”  into  his  kingdom.  Quotations 
from  one  of  the  hymns  written  by  this  king  will  best 
indicate  the  quality  of  his  thought  and  devotion. 

How  manifold  are  all  thy  works: 

They  are  hidden  from  before  us, 

0,  thou  sole  God,  whose  power  no  other  possesseth. 
Thou  didst  create  the  heavens  according  to  thy 
desire. 

While  thou  wast  alone: 

Men,  all  cattle  large  and  small, 

All  that  are  upon  the  earth. 

Thou  art  in  my  heart. 

There  is  no  other  that  knoweth  thee 
Save  thy  son  Ikhnaton. 

Thou  madest  him  wise  in  thy  designs 
And  in  thy  might.  .  .  . 

Many  other  illustrations  might  be  used  to  indicate 
the  culture,  the  religion,  and  the  glory  which  these  two 
ancient  nations  attained  long  before  the  days  of  the 
patriarchs.  But  suffice  it  here  for  us  to  know  that 
in  two  widely  separated  valleys,  quite  independent  of 
each  other,  great  nations  with  national  ambitions  and 
hopes,  with  legislators  and  prophets,  with  highly  de¬ 
veloped  arts  and  sciences,  had  come  to  maturity  and 
occupied  the  world  stage  long  before  those  whom  we 
call  the  “elect  people”  had  even  the  semblance  of 
nationhood. 

Palestine,  its  Early  Settlement — Palestine  lay  on 
the  highway  between  these  two  great  civilizations,  and 
could  scarcely  fail  to  have  had  some  settlers  in  early 
days.  Evidences  of  the  existence  of  a  race  of  cave- 
dwellers  are  found  in  many  parts  of  the  land,  particu- 


ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION 


7 


larly  towards  the  south.  The  name  Horite,  perhaps 
meaning  cave-dweller,  and  frequently  found  in  the  Old 
Testament,  may  preserve  a  reference  to  these  people. 
The  indications  are  that  in  far  antiquity  the  country 
was  occupied.  Human  bones  have  been  found  buried 
in  the  cave  of  Harajel,  along  with  those  of  the  woolly 
rhinoceros,  which  has  been  extinct  throughout  Syria 
for  at  least  twelve  thousand  years. 

Amofite  Immigration — But  we  must  come  down  to 
about  3000  b.c.  before  we  are  able  to  see  with  any  de¬ 
gree  of  clearness  the  movements  of  the  nations.  About 
this  time,  if  not  earlier,  Babylonian  influence  touched 
the  country.  This  was  for  conquest  and  tribute.  Later, 
perhaps  about  2500  b.c.,  a  wave  of  Semitic  folk  poured 
out  of  north  Arabia  as  the  result  of  over-population 
followed  by  drought  and  famine.  They  pressed  out  in 
two  different  directions.  One  stream  flowed  east  down 
into  the  Euphrates  valley,  and  in  the  course  of  time 
gave  to  Babylonia  that  ruling  dynasty  of  which  Ham¬ 
murabi  was  the  most  renowned  character.  The  other 
stream  perhaps  skirted  the  valley  northward,  then 
turning  west  and  south,  poured  down  into  Palestine. 
This  stream,  like  all  migratory  movements,  flowed  in¬ 
termittently  for  some  centuries,  coming  to  an  end 
perhaps  about  1700  b.c.  Amorite  is  the  name  that  is 
given  to  both  of  these  streams,  and  in  the  Old  Testa¬ 
ment  is  varied  with  that  of  Canaanite  and  Phoenician, 
according  to  the  writer  or  the  location.  These  in¬ 
vaders  conquered  and  gradually  assimilated  the 
natives.  The  earliest  wave  seems  to  have  penetrated 
to  the  sea  and  settled  between  the  mountains  and  the 
Mediterranean.  What  race  did  they  encounter  here? 
Were  they  highly  civilized?  Did  they  conquer  them 
or  were  they  assimilated?  Did  sea-faring  Cretans 
possess  these  maritime  cities.  Tyre  and  Sidon,  and  did 
their  culture  conquer  the  invader?  We  can  only  con¬ 
jecture  that  this  first  wave  of  Amorites  who  settled  on 


8  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  coast,  and  later  were  known  as  Phoenicians,  must 
have  been  greatly  influenced  by  their  neighbors.  They 
adopted  the  maritime  life,  and  became  traders  and 
manufacturers. 

Canaanite  is  the  name  that  has  been  given  to  those 
who  remained  in  the  hill-country  and  the  valleys,  and 
became  chiefly  agriculturists.  Their  organization  was 
but  an  adaptation  of  the  tribal  system.  The  Sheik,  or 
petty  king,  ruled  his  own  family.  During  the  period 
of  settlement  the  family  bonds  were  enlarged  and 
changed,  so  that  the  village  or  small  city  became  the 
unit  of  government.  Each  village  or  city  maintained 
its  independence,  and  so  strongly  ingrained  was  the 
primitive  tribal  ideal  that  seldom,  even  under  the 
pressure  of  the  greatest  danger,  did  these  individual 
units  find  it  possible  to  form  a  larger  confederacy. 
Hence  we  are  not  surprised  that  Palestine  was  always 
ruled  by  some  outside  nation. 

Influence  of  Babylon — Babylonia  made  frequent  in¬ 
cursions  to  the  Mediterranean  for  glory  and  the  usual 
tribute.  While  she  had  no  organized  control  of  the 
land,  and  the  tribute  was  more  frequently  neglected 
than  paid,  nevertheless  her  culture  was  pervasive.  She 
was  of  kindred  blood,  had  a  common  inheritance  of 
law  and  religion,  and  spoke  a  similar  language. 
Couriers  and  caravans  on  the  highways  were  the  pur¬ 
veyors  of  tradition  as  well  as  of  commerce.  Not  only 
did  the  Canaanite  occasionally  possess  a  ^^goodly  Baby¬ 
lonian  garment,’^  but  some  of  the  folk-lore  and  myth¬ 
ology  of  the  Babylonian  philosophers  must^  have 
filtered  through  to  these  outskirts  of  Semitic  culture. 

Egypi—But  Egyp^tlre  hearer  neighbor”  geograph¬ 
ically,  though  not  genealogically,  also  had  interests  in 
this  narrow  pathway  between  the  desert  and  the  sea. 
The  southern  border  was  always  more  or  less  open  to 
her,  and  not  infrequently  did  Egypt  exact  tribute  of 
her  neighbor.  When  in  1580  b.c.  Egypt  was  able  to 


ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION 


9 


free  herself  from  the  yoke  of  the  Hyksos,  that  Semitic 
invader  who  had  ruled  her  for  one  hundred  years,  she 
essayed  the  conquest  of  Palestine.  With  a  strong 
hand,  by  many  triumphant  campaigns,  she  proved  her 
lordship,  and  for  two  centuries  she  exercised  sway  over 
practically  all  Syria. 

Hittites — But  a  new  enemy  arose  in  the  north.  The 
great  Hittite  power  with  its  capital  at  Bogaz-Koi, 
about  1500  B.c.  became  a  menace  to  the  Palestinian 
outpost  of  Egypt.  By  1350  b.c.  they  held  the  whole 
country  in  subjection.  By  the  end  of  the  century  the 
tide  turned,  and  Egypt  again  had  the  upper  hand  for 
half  a  century,  but  by  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century  she  had  lost  her  hold  on  the  country  practi¬ 
cally  forever.  Palestinian  conditions  during  these 
three  centuries  were  very  bad  indeed.  She  was  the 
field  of  confiict  on  which  these  two  nations,  Hittites 
and  Egyptians,  fought  out  their  bloody  quarrels.  Al¬ 
ways  the  prize  of  the  victor,  she  suffered  at  the  hands 
of  both. 

The  Habiri — Further,  nomadic  tribes  from  the 
desert  were  again  pouring  across  her  frontiers  and 
adding  to  the  perplexity  of  the  situation.  The  Tel-el- 
Amarna  tablets,  letters  discovered  in  Amarna  in  1887 
by  Petrie^  written  in  cuneiform,  containing  correspond¬ 
ence  between  the  Egyptian  kings  Amenophis  III 
(1411-1375  B.c.)  and  IV  (1375-1358  b.c.),  and  the 
king  of  Mitanni,  and  petty  kings  of  Palestinian  cities, 
reveal  the  wretched  confusion  to  which  the  Canaanites 
were  subjected.  Most  significant  is  the  information 
that  is  contained  in  some  of  the  letters,  especially  those 
of  Rib-Addi,  king  of  Gebal,  and  of  Abd-Hiba  of  Jeru¬ 
salem,  to  the  king  of  E^ypt.  Both  complain  that  in¬ 
vaders  are  plundering  the  land  and  make  it  impossible 
to  pay  the  required  tribute.  All  is  in  chaos,  and  they 
ask  for  troops  in  order  to  restore  peace  and  prosperity. 
The  letters  belong  approximately  to  1400  b.c.  or  a  little 


10  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


later,  and  speak  of  the  invaders  as  Habiri.  While  this 
word  is  strikingly  like  ‘‘Hebrews,”  it  is  doubtful  if 
we  should  so  translate  it.  At  best  they  can  be  related 
to  Israel  only  in  the  most  general  way,  and  it  is  even 
possible  that  they  may  have  been  bands  of  mercenary 
soldiers  sent  in  by  foreign  powers. 

Excavations  in  all  parts  of  Palestine  show  the  same 
general  confusion.  It  was  a  time  of  chaos  and  loosely 
organized  life.  Small  tribes  were  roaming  through 
the  land  clashing  with  other  similar  tribes.  Many 
villages  dotted  the  countryside,  but  they  trembled 
at  the  prospect  of  fire  and  sword,  and  were  ever  ready 
to  change  their  residence  overnight.  Only  a  few  cities 
were  more  or  less  proof  against  the  ravages  of  raiders 
and  enemies.  Such  were  the  conditions  down  as  late 
as  the  end  of  the  period  of  the  judges.  The  population 
of  Palestine  proper,  a  great  medley  of  tribes,  and  even 
a  mixture  of  races,  numbered  perhaps  considerably  less 
than  a  million.  Not  until  some  time  after  1000  b.c.,  the 
time  of  the  beginning  of  the  Hebrew  monarchy,  do 
we  find  something  of  order  emerging  out  of  these 
primitive,  incoherent,  group  movements. 


CHAPTER  II 

GEOGRAPHY  OF  PALESTINE 

The  Maritime  Palestine  is  in  itself  a  little 

world  which  possesses  every  variety  of  material  con¬ 
dition  needed  to  produce  the  greatest  diversity  of 
life.  Running  north  and  south  there  are  four  well 
defined  areas.  The  maritime  plain  runs  from  Sidon 
to  the  wady  el-Arish  in  the  south.  It  is  very  narrow 
at  the  north,  but  widens  gradually  to  about  twenty 
miles,  reaching  from  the  Mediterranean  eastward  to 
the  foothills  of  Samaria  and  Judah.  Its  alluvial  soil, 
long  ages  ago  the  bed  of  the  ocean,  and  later  covered 
with  a  considerable  forest,  of  which  only  a  few  scat¬ 
tered  groves  remain,  and  now  watered  by  the  annual 
rains  and  a  few  perennial  streams,  is  very  fertile. 
Grain  fields  abound,  particularly  towards  the  south. 
Wheat  and  barley  are  cultivated.  Palm  and  orange 
groves  are  numerous,  especially  in  the  middle  section, 
and  beans  and  melons  are  found  in  gardens  through¬ 
out  the  entire  plain.  Its  ports  at  Gaza  and  Acco 
opened  it  up  to  maritime  trafiic.  Through  it  lay  one 
of  the  ancient  highways  down  to  Egypt.  Gaza  was 
a  center  for  the  desert  trade,  from  which  it  greatly 
profited.  The  whole  plain  lay  under  the  ridges  of 
Samaria  and  Judah.  * 

The  Shephelah — Between  this  plain  and  Judah  lie 
the  low  lands,  technically  known  as  the  Shephelah. 
This  was  the  buffer  country  between  Judah  and 
Philistia.  Rising  somewhat  rapidly  from  the  plain, 
the  low  hills  are  from  500  to  800  feet,  with  a  few  peaks 
about  1500  feet,  above  sea  level.  This  strip  of  terri- 

11 


12  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


tory,  not  more  than  five  miles  wide,  is  intersected  by 
five  important  valleys,  the  Ajalon,  Sorek,  Elah,  Afranj, 
and  Hesy,  which  run  from  east  to  west.  Throughout 
its  whole  course  north  and  south,  it  lies  about  a  thou¬ 
sand  feet  below  the  table  land  of  Judah,  the  result  of  an 
ancient  fracture  of  the  underlying  limestone  strata. 
Thus  Judah  was  splendidly  protected  from  invasion. 
In  the  days  of  her  strength  she  could  contest  the  pos¬ 
session  of  the  lowlands  with  the  Philistines,  and  often 
did  successfully.  In  the  days  of  her  weakness  a  few 
men  having  the  advantage  of  the  highlands  could 
withstand  a  thousand. 

The  Mountain  Highlands — The  second  general 
division  is  the  mountain  ridge  that  runs  from  the 
Lebanons  to  the  south  of  Judah.  Here  are  three  clear- 
cut  areas,  each  with  its  own  peculiar  features.  The 
north,  rugged  and  mountainous,  with  splendid,  fertile 
valleys,  is  completely  cut  off  from  the  rest  by  the  well- 
watered  valley  of  Esdraelon.  South  of  this  lies 
Samaria,  with  its  innumerable  precipitous  channels 
which  honeycomb  its  limestone  sides.  Still  farther 
south,  below  the  Ajalon,  which  threatens  to  divide  it 
from  Samaria,  lies  Judah.  It  is  a  comparatively 
smooth  and  barren  elevation,  which  south  of  Hebron 
(cir.  3000  feet  above  sea  level)  rapidly  slopes  down 
to  the  desert,  becoming  more  and  more  unproductive 
with  each  step  of  the  descent. 

The  Jordan  Valley — Then  comes  the  third  division, 
the  well-known  Jordan  valley,  reaching  from  Banias 
in  the  north,  to  south  of  the  Dead  sea.  The  marvelous 
story  of  this  valley’s  history  may  yet  be  read  by  the 
observant  eye.  Here  is  the  residuum  of  a  great  inland 
sea  that  once  filled  the  valley  from  Lake  Merom  to  a 
point  fifty  miles  below  the  present  southern  extremity 
of  the  Dead  sea.  Earlier  still,  the  evidence  indicates, 
land  connections  existed  between  Africa  and  this 
country  which  is  but  part  of  the  Arabian  desert.  Fish 


GEOGRAPHY  OF  PALESTINE 


13 


are  still  found  in  the  waters  of  the  Jordan,  and  flowers 
bloom  in  this  heated  midsummer  furnace,  which  are 
found  in  no  other  place  except  tropical  Africa. 

The  valley,  which  stretches  between  Lake  Galilee 
and  the  Dead  sea,  a  distance  of  sixty-five  miles,  has  a 
width  of  from  two  and  a  half  to  fourteen  miles.  Its 
descent  is  very  rapid,  and  it  is  at  its  outlet  1292  feet 
below  sea  level.  Streams,  that  in  the  rainy  season  be¬ 
come  rushing  torrents,  flow  into  it  from  either  side. 
The  vegetation  is  most  luxuriant,  while  the  tempera¬ 
ture  in  the  summer  months  is  unbearably  hot.  Dates, 
flax,  and  grain  have  been  cultivated,  and  the  villagers 
from  the  hills  have  frequently  had  their  gardens  in 
the  fertile  soil  of  the  valley.  Few  cities  have  ever  been 
built  here,  Jericho  being  the  chief  exception.  The  few 
Arabs  who  inhabit  it  are  a  degenerate  race.  It  has 
ever  been  the  frontier  of  Palestine,  acting  as  a  bulwark 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  desert.  There  are 
many  fords,  five  of  them  important,  which  have  served 
from  time  immemorial  for  the  traffic  east  and  west. 

East-Jordan  Land — The  fourth  main  division  is  that 
that  lies  east  of  the  Jordan.  Here  are  three  natural 
subdivisions.  North  of  the  Yarmouk  lies  the  land  of 
Bashan,  which  was  the  rich  pasture  land  and  the  chief 
granary  of  ancient  populations.  South  of  the  Yar¬ 
mouk,  reaching  below  the  Jabbok,  is  the  table-land  of 
Gilead,  and  farther  south,  lying  chiefly  below  the 
Arnon,  is  the  land  of  Moab.  This  whole  area,  broader 
at  the  north  owing  to  the  plateau  of  the  Hauran,  which 
is  very  fertile,  gradually  shades  off  eastward  into  the 
desert. 

Geographic  Influences — Palestine  then  is  a  small 
land,  not  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
miles  by  sixty,  but  it  possesses  a  great  variety  of  soil 
and  scenery,  flora  and  fauna,  climate  and  environment. 
It  is  of  great  importance  that  it  lies  between  the  desert 
and  the  sea.  Entirely  opposite  in  their  influences,  both 


14  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


alike  penetrated  the  life  of  Israel,  and  on  her  ground 
met  in  conflict.  The  winds  from  the  one  were  parching 
and  withering;  those  from  the  other  moist  and  pro¬ 
ductive.  The  peoples  of  the  one  lived  meagerly,  had 
a  monotonous  outlook,  and  were  necessarily  puritan¬ 
ical;  those  of  the  other  came  in  contact  with  the 
nations  of  the  world,  were  cosmopolitan,  and  adopted 
world  culture  with  its  morals  and  religion. 

International  Influences — Further,  the  land  was  the 
highway  for  the  international  trafiic  north  and  south. 
Caravans  were  always  on  the  move,  along  one  or  the 
other  of  the  great  lines  of  travel.  Egypt,  Edom,  and 
Arabia  sent  their  wares  and  spices  north.  Syria,  Baby¬ 
lonia,  and  Assyria  were  quite  familiar  with  the  advan¬ 
tages  of  the  southern  trade.  Greece  and  the  Islands 
of  the  sea,  even  in  early  centuries,  interpenetrated  the 
whole  land  with  their  commerce.  Palestine  was  also 
in  the  pathway  of  great  migrations.  Out  of  the 
Arabian  desert,  from  the  south  and  east,  at  different 
times,  the  hungry  nomads  pressed  towards  the  better 
watered  valleys  for  the  needed  sustenance.  Great 
hordes  were  also  pushed  out  of  the  north  and  sought 
grazing  grounds  in  the  Hauran,  in  Gilead,  in  the  plains, 
and  even  west  of  the  Jordan.  Armies,  also,  bent  on 
conquest  in  response  to  the  ambition  of  some  power¬ 
ful  monarch,  were  frequently  on  the  march  north  or 
south,  past  the  hillsides  of  Samaria  and  Judah. 

Thus  the  people  of  this  land,  however  home-loving 
they  might  be,  were  seldom  far  removed  from  the 
sound  of  the  tread  of  armies,  the  fear  of  the  hungry 
invader,  and  the  moral  and  religious  influence  of  every 
quarter  of  the  known  earth.  Palestine  was  thus  the 
theater  of  world  forces.  That  which  is  born  here 
must  meet  many  conflicting  currents,  must  look  in 
the  face  of  enemies,  and  will  be  put  to  the  severest 
test  in  morals  and  religion.  Surely  this  is  the  land 
of  providence,  and  those  who  here  can  stand  the  test 
are  indeed  an  elect  people. 


CHAPTER  III 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 
A — The  General  Facts 

For  any  historical  study,  a  correct  appreciation  of 
the  sources  used  is  always  essential.  What  is  the 
nature  of  the  materials?  Are  they  original  documents? 
Do  they  come  from  eye-witnesses?  Are  they  con¬ 
temporary  records  or  are  they  the  product  of  genera¬ 
tions  of  story-telling?  Were  they  written  in  order 
to  give  the  facts  and  all  the  facts  of  the  case,  or  was 
history  as  such  but  of  secondary  interest?  Have  the 
documents  passed  through  the  hands  of  scribes  and 
interpreters  for  centuries?  In  other  words,  the  ques¬ 
tion  must  always  be  asked,  what  is  the  historical  ac¬ 
curacy,  the  actual  value,  of  the  documents?  To  neglect 
such  careful  scrutiny  of  the  sources  used  would  land 
us  either  in  intellectual  confusion,  or  make  us  blind 
partisans.  To  provide  a  sure  foundation  for  our 
Biblical  history,  the  material  should  pass  the  same 
rigid  examination  as  that  in  any  other  field  of  inquiry. 
The  higher  the  claim  we  make  for  any  literature,  the 
more  severe  the  test  it  ought  to  be  able  to  stand. 

Literature  World-Wide — As  a  preparation  for  our 
detailed  study  of  the  Old  Testament  history  and  litera¬ 
ture,  we  need  a  broad  outlook  on  some  of  the  relations 
existing  between  literature  and  life.  We  well  know 
that  literature  is  a  world-wide  phenomenon.  It  has 
been  found  wherever  there  has  been  a  developed  civili¬ 
zation.  We  are  able  to  read  the  history  of  Babylonia 

15 


16  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


and  Egypt  from  documents  contemporary  with  the 
events  they  record,  and  in  each  nation  we  are  carried 
back  millennia  before  the  time  of  Christ.  Greek, 
Chinese,  and  Indian  literatures  likewise  come  down  to 
us  from  the  days  when  their  city  and  national  organi¬ 
zations  had  been  achieved. 

Perhaps  the  first  fact  that  is  attested  in  all  litera¬ 
tures  is  this,  that  in  every  nation  a  long  period  of  oral 
expression  preceded  the  invention  of  any  method  of 
representing  thought  by  the  written  sign.  The  oldest 
literary  remains  of  any  country  show  a  well-developed 
language,  with  a  considerable  vocabulary,  synonyms 
more  or  less  numerous,  and  varying  forms  of  expres¬ 
sion,  all  bearing  testimony  to  a  long  tribal  or  racial 
history.  All  early  literature  also  indicates  that  the 
people  possess  a  rich  heritage  of  social,  national,  and 
religious  tradition.  The  legends  and  the  mythologies 
had  in  preliterary  days  been  handed  down  from  father 
to  son,  and  had  taken  form  through  the  play  of  many 
minds,  always  long  before  they  had  been  engraven  on 
the  temples  or  the  tombs.  The  oldest  contract  tablet 
had  for  its  background  thousands  of  bargains  orally 
concluded  man  to  man.  The  earliest  written  peace 
treaty  had  for  its  ancestry  hundreds  of  buried  toma¬ 
hawks,  which  in  turn  had  been  the  descendants  of  a 
multitude  of  mutual  agreements  between  ancient 
nation-builders.  The  oldest  written  code  of  laws  was 
the  product  of  many  decisions  on  various  questions  by 
innumerable  patriarchs  and  judges  through  long  ages 
of  oral  decisions. 

Produced  by  Civilization— Fnriher,  writing,  or  any 
adequate  method  of  representing  speech  to  the  eye, 
has  always  been  the  invention  of  civilization.  Primitive 
life  never  had  the  need  or  the  ability  to  convey  ideas 
to  the  mind  through  visible  forms.  True,  we  have 
pictographs  and  grafl&ti  which  are  acknowledged  to  be 
the  work  of  races  of  a  comparatively  low  stage  of 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


17 


culture.  These  do  indeed  give  us  information,  but 
they  are  not  literature.  The  authors  may  have  been 
artists,  but  so  far  as  the  expression  of  ideas  is  con¬ 
cerned  they  were  but  children.  Writing  in  Egypt,  in 
Babylonia,  in  Phoenicia  and  Greece,  in  China  and 
India,  in  every  case,  originated  at  a  time  when  there 
was  a  highly  developed  community  life  on  the  part 
of  the  nation  in  question. 

Whenever  new  and  larger  groups  of  people  were 
brought  together  in  any  community,  either  by  rapid 
increase  of  population,  or  by  the  incoming  of  foreign 
elements,  new  and  grave  problems  of  adjustment  al¬ 
ways  arose.  Divergent  customs  must  be  harmonized. 
New  regulations  to  meet  the  new  conditions  must  be 
devised.  The  old  organization  must  be  expanded,  or 
entirely  new  methods  must  be  adopted.  The  meeting 
and  mingling  of  many  minds  has  always  resulted  in 
ferment  and  struggle,  which  in  turn  has  usually  re¬ 
sulted  in  a  quickening  of  intellect.  The  new  social 
complex,  with  its  wealth  of  ancient  custom,  its  varied 
inheritance  of  story  and  tradition,  its  rapidly  expand¬ 
ing  business  life,  its  important  contacts  within  and 
without  the  group,  sorely  needs  some  method  of  put¬ 
ting  its  business  contracts,  its  intertribal  statutes,  its 
treaties  and  alliances  with  friend  and  foe,  its  growing 
traditions,  and  its  recognized  methods  of  worship  into 
permanent  form.  In  the  history  of  every  growing 
race  or  nation,  the  time  came  when  the  burdens  of 
tradition  became  too  great,  the  transactions  of  the 
present  seemed  too  significant,  and  the  throbbing  vision 
of  the  idealist  seemed  too  akin  to  the  divine  to  be 
trusted  entirely  to  the  treacherous  lips  of  man.  This 
demand  for  the  preservation  of  records,  of  traditions, 
and  of  ideas,  rather  than  for  communication,  was  the 
primary  incentive  to  writing.  The  complexity  pro¬ 
duced  the  need,  but  the  very  process  in  turn  quickened 
the  mind  to  address  itself  to,  and  to  solve,  the  imme- 


18  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


diate  j)roblem.  While  later  tradition  always  ascribed 
writing  to  the  gift  of  the  gods,  it  was  in  fact  always  the 
child  of  long,  arduous,  mental  struggle. 

The  Scribe — The  invention  of  writing  has  always 
made  necessary  the  professional  scribe.  To  produce 
the  adept  was  a  long,  slow  process,  requiring  genera¬ 
tions.  Only  in  a  well-organized,  highly  differentiated, 
and  permanently  settled  society  would  conditions  lend 
themselves  to  the  creation  of  such  a  class.  Yet  it  is 
well  for  us  to  keep  in  mind  that  this  is  the  sine  qua  non 
of  national  literature. 

Literature  the  Product  of  Life — If  writing  be  the 
product  of  civilization,  it  is  also  true  that  literature 
never  runs  before  culture.  The  child  of  complex 
society,  it  is  ever  an  integral  part  of  it.  Societies  must 
be  formed  before  ^'minutes’'  are  kept.  Institutions 
are  organized  before  records  are  needed.  Lands  were 
cultivated  before  deeds  were  registered.  Industries 
were  developed,  cities  were  built,  communities  were 
established,  and  kings  held  sway  before  tablets  and 
histories  were  written.  Literary  achievement  in  any 
form  must  be  an  integral  part  of  the  life  of  the 
respective  community.  The  social,  industrial,  political, 
mental,  moral,  and  religious  life  are  all  only  different 
expressions  of  the  group  life,  and  are  inextricably 
woven  together.  Literature,  which  is  the  flower  of  the 
intellectual  life,  cannot  fail  to  exhibit  the  colors  of  the 
world  from  which  it  sprung.  The  vocabulary  used, 
the  figures  of  speech,  the  forms  of  imagery,  its  under¬ 
lying  ideals,  no  less  than  its  historical  allusions  belong 
to  the  warp  and  woof  of  its  own  generation,  and  its 
own  people.  The  man  of  the  desert  will  never  use  the 
language  of  the  city,  nor  will  the  shepherd  write  the 
laws  for  an  industrial  community. 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


19 


B — The  Old  Testament  as  a  Historical  Source 

When  we  come  specifically  to  the  Old  Testament  as 
a  source  for  history,  we  must  carefully  observe  the 
following  facts.  The  book  most  of  us  use  is  a  trans¬ 
lation,  and  is  thus  subject  to  all  the  limitations  of  a 
translation.  Any  translation  of  the  Scripture,  even 
the  poorest,  is  invaluable  for  devotional  use,  for  morals, 
and  for  religion.  But  for  history  and  theology  the 
accuracy  of  our  sources  will  measure  the  value  of  our 
results.  We  are  unfortunate,  further,  in  that  our 
most  used  translation  is  over  three  hundred  years  old. 
English  has  changed,  and  our  historical  information 
has  greatly  increased  during  that  time.  Important 
words  have  often  a  decidedly  different  cast  of  meaning 
now  than  when  the  translators  did  their  work.  Infor¬ 
mation,  gained  from  many  different  sources,  often 
shows  how  inadequate  was  the  knowledge  of  three' 
hundred  years  ago. 

The  historian  of  the  Old  Testament  times  has  to 
face  still  more  serious  facts.  We  have  no  original 
documents.  Our  Hebrew  manuscripts  are  the  work 
of  scribes,  and  our  oldest  extant  Hebrew  Bible  was 
written  about  916  a.d.,  at  least  eighteen  hundred  years 
after  the  time  of  some  of  the  original  writers.  What 
did  eighteen  centuries  of  copying  at  the  hands  of 
scribes  do  to  the  original  words  of  the  books?  Only 
the  student  familiar  with  the  Hebrew  text  or  with 
different  recensions  of  an  old  work  can  fully  appreciate 
the  result.  Not  a  few  passages  in  our  Hebrew  text 
are  quite  unintelligible.  Sometimes,  indeed,  a  vers© 
that  reads  beautifully  in  English  (cf.  Job  xix.  25),  is 
far  from  certain  in  the  original.  It  is  quite  clear  that 
our  Old  Testament  suffered  at  the  hands  of  copyists 
the  same  as  would  any  other  literature  under  similar 
circumstances. 


20  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  scribe  was  not  only  a  writer,  he  was  an  inter¬ 
preter  of  Scripture.  How  often  his  interpretations 
slipped  into  the  text,  would  be  hard  to  say.  But  when 
we  compare  the  Septuagint  with  the  Hebrew,  we 
are  convinced  that  there  has  been  much  interpola¬ 
tion.  The  original  Greek  version  of  Job  had  almost 
eight  hundred  lines  less  than  the  Hebrew,  some  long 
and  beautiful  sections,  as  xxxix.  13-18,  being  entirely 
absent.  Jeremiah  in  the  Septuagint  has  one-eighth 
less  than  in  the  Hebrew,  such  a  long  historical  passage 
as  Jeremiah  xxxix.  4-13  being  omitted.  The  Septua¬ 
gint  of  I  Samuel  xvii.  1— xviii.  5  lacks  most  of  xvii. 
12-31,  41,  50,  55 — xviii.  5.  So  we  might  continue  in¬ 
definitely,  all  proving  that  the  original  manuscript 
must  at  some  time  have  received  additions  or  suffered 
loss  at  the  hand  of  the  scribes. 

But  the  case  is  clearer  still  as  we  examine  some  of 
the  duplicates  found  within  the  Hebrew  itself.  These 
may  be  studied  in  the  English  version,  which  is  a 
translation  from  the  Hebrew.  Duplicates  frequently 
occur.  II  Samuel  xxii.  is,  so  far  as  general  content,  the 
same  as  Psahn  xviii.,  but  there  are  as  many  as  130 
minor  differences.  Psalm  xiv.  is  in  general  the  same 
as  Psalm  liii.,  but  in  the  one,  Yahweh  is  the  name  used 
for  God,  in  the  other  Elohim  is  used.  In  Ezra  we  are 
furnished  with  what  is  spoken  of  as  the  decree  of  Cyrus 
in  two  different  places  (Ezra  i.  1-4  and  Ezra  vi.  ^5), 
but  they  bear  little  resemblance  to  each  other.  In  I 
Kings  viii.  23-53,  we  have  the  prayer  that  Solomon 
offered  at  the  dedication  of  the  temple,  but  when  we 
turn  to  II  Chronicles  vi.  14-42,  where  the  chronicler 
reports  the  same  prayer,  we  find  a  number  of  signifi¬ 
cant  omissions  as  well  as  some  additions  that  surely 
smack  of  the  late  priest  rather  than  the  early  king. 
These  examples  warn  the  student  that  a  process  of 
editorial  or  interpretative  work  was  going  on  during 
the  long  centuries  of  scribal  activity. 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


21 


In  no  place  is  this  work  more  in  evidence  than  in 
the  superscriptions  and  the  historical  notes  to  the 
books.  A  comparison  of  the  various  versions  shows 
this  very  clearly.  For  example,  the  Hebrew  text  of 
Jeremiah  has  five  such  historical  notes  (ii.  1;  xxv.  1; 
xxvii.  1;  xlvii.  1;  1.  1)  that  are  lacking  in  the  Greek, 
while  the  Syriac  has  innumerable  that  are  lacking  in 
both  the  Greek  and  the  Hebrew. 

Most  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  are  anony¬ 
mous.  That  is  natural.  Not  until  recent  centuries 
did  men  conceive  that  there  might  be  such  a  thing  as 
property  in  literature,  and  not  until  last  century  was 
there  a  copyright  law.  The  stories  and  customs  that 
were  first  written  were  public  property,  so  why  should 
the  man  who  committed  them  to  parchment  attach 
his  name  to  them?  Later  centuries,  however,  looked 
on  early  writings,  and  particularly  those  of  a  religious 
nature,  quite  differently.  They  loved  to  add  the  au¬ 
thority  of  a  great  name  to  that  in  which  they  had 
found  religious  value.  This  desire  furnished  the  names 
of  Enoch,  Baruch,  Jeremiah,  Isaiah,  Moses,  Daniel, 
Adam,  the  twelve  patriarchs,  and  Solomon  to  a  vast 
literature  written  from  200  b.c.  to  100  a.d.  The  same 
spirit,  in  the  same  period,  credited  to  Ezra,  to  Solomon, 
to  David,  and  to  Moses  a  place  in  Old  Testament 
literature  that  lacks  any  substantial  foundation. 
Those  familiar  with  the  traditions  of  this  period  know 
well  the  slight  historical  value  of  many  of  them. 

There  are  some  evidences  that  the  same  attitude  of 
hero-worship  was  at  work  even  before  the  close  of  the 
Old  Testament  canon.  We  can  use  only  one  illustra¬ 
tion  here.  In  the  Hebrew,  David  is  credited  with  73 
psalms,  while  in  the  Greek  he  is  assigned  84.  Further, 
only  69  of  these  agree.  That  is,  the  Hebrew  has  a  plus 
4,  and  the  Greek  a  plus  15.  What  does  this  mean? 
Which  is  correct,  the  Hebrew  73  or  the  Greek  84,  or  is 
the  69  that  has  the  two  witnesses,  or  is  it  the  69  plus  4 


22  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


plus  15?  Does  it  not  seem  rather  that  scribes,  both 
of  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek,  were  gradually  ascribing 
more  and  more  of  the  Psalms  to  one  whom  the  later 
ages  loved  to  honor?  A  study  of  the  contents  of  some 
of  the  Davidic  Psalms  {e.g.,  those  that  speak  of  the 
temple  as  existing,  v.  7;  xxvii.  4;  xxviii.  2;  Ixv.  4; 
cxxxviii.  2;  and  those  that  speak  of  the  ruins  of  Jerusa¬ 
lem,  li.  18-19;  Ixix.  3-4)  will  readily  convince  us  that 
the  old  proverb,  “to  him  that  hath  shall  be  given,’’  is 
correct. 

Thus  as  we  approach  our  historical  sources,  we  must 
be  ready  to  pay  the  price,  if  we  are  to  arrive  at  reason¬ 
ably  sure  conclusions.  We  must  exercise  every  care  to 
get  the  facts.  We  must  use  the  material  discriminat¬ 
ingly,  and  must  reconstruct  the  ancient  scenes  and 
national  progress,  not  by  using  isolated  texts  or 
phrases,  but  by  the  correlation  of  all  the  material, 
biblical  and  secular,  into  a  consistent  picture  of  the 
whole. 


C — Sources  for  the  History  of  the  Beginnings 

OF  Israel 

The  sources  from  which  we  draw  for  the  beginnings 
of  Hebrew  history  are  found  in  the  Pentateuch,  or 
better  the  Hexateuch.  In  reality,  the  first  six  books 
belong  together.  The  same  problems  and  the  same 
literary  types  that  are  found  in  the  first  five  are  also 
found  in  Joshua. 

Theory  of  Mosaic  Authorship — Our  first  task, 
therefore,  is  to  determine  the  date  and  the  authorship 
of  these  books.  Previous  to  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  the  answer  seemed  comparatively 
simple.  Christian  tradition  affirmed,  though  not  with 
unanimous  voice,  that  Moses  wrote  the  Pentateuch 
and  that  Joshua  wrote  the  book  that  now  bears  his 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


23 


name.  This  was  simply  accepted;  there  was  no  call 
for  argument  or  proof.  From  early  days,  however, 
there  had  seemed  to  some  to  be  many  features  that 
required  adjustment  and  interpretation.  Theories 
arose  explaining  the  relation  between  Moses  and  Ezra 
as  lawgivers,  as  to  how  Moses  wrote  the  account  of 
his  own  death,  as  to  why  some  books  were  anonymous 
and  others  were  ascribed  to  definite  authors.  Ques¬ 
tions  were  occasionally  raised  such  as.  How  could 
Moses  give  a  list  of  ^The  kings  that  reigned  in  the  land 
of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  31-39),  before  there  reigned  any 
king  over  the  children  of  Israel”?  How  could  he  speak 
of  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan  as  ^^beyond  the  Jordan” 
(Gen.  i.  10,  11;  Josh.  xvii.  5;  Dt.  i.  1,  5,  etc.),  when  he 
himself  had  never  been  across  the  river?  How  could 
Moses  say:  “The  Canaanite  was  then  in  the  land”? 
Little  groups  here  and  there,  as  the  Nazarites,  the 
Gnostics,  and  the  Manichseans,  for  different,  and  per¬ 
haps  not  always  well-founded,  reasons,  denied  the  gen¬ 
eral  tradition  of  Mosaic  authorship.  But  Christian 
scholarship,  as  a  whole,  which  through  the  centuries 
had  been  fighting  her  battles  in  the  fields  of  apologetics 
and  dogmatics,  had  neither  call  nor  training  for  histori¬ 
cal  investigation.  Indeed  it  was  not  until  the  influence 
of  the  new  learning  stirred  in  the  religious  leaders  the 
historical  spirit,  that  questions  of  authorship  assumed 
importance. 

As  the  interest  in  such  questions  increased,  so  also 
did  the  data  contributary  to  a  solution.  Mastery  of 
the  Hebrew  grew  apace.  At  the  beginning  of  the  six¬ 
teenth  century  much  of  the  Hebrew  lore  was  guess 
work.  By  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  the  growing 
knowledge  of  the  cognate  languages,  Arabic,  Assyrian, 
and  Syriac,  threw  a  flood  of  light  on  many  a  dark  page 
of  the  Old  Testament.  By  the  beginning  of  this  cen¬ 
tury  revolutionary  advances  had  been  made.  Archaeol¬ 
ogy?  by  faithfully  unearthing  the  ancient  remains,  had 


24  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


written  the  sketch  of  the  cultural  development  of 
Palestine  from  2500  b.c.  down  to  the  Christian  era. 
The  present  days  are  rapidly  filling  in  the  details  of 
the  story.  The  wealth  of  constantly  accumulating 
material  at  the  disposal  of  the  inquirer  has  made  the 
Old  Testament  an  eminently  living  book.  Many  men 
of  the  finest  scholarship  and  character  have  made  its 
study  their  lifework.  Achievements  of  the  most  signifi¬ 
cant  kind  have  resulted. 

The  question  of  the  authorship  of  the  Hexateuch 
has  been  involved  in  the  progress  of  knowledge.  As 
careful,  comparative  study  of  these  six  books  con¬ 
tinued,  and  as  information  from  all  sources  accumu¬ 
lated,  the  difiiculties  of  holding  to  the  Mosaic  author¬ 
ship  were  correspondingly  increased.  It  was  found 
that  the  books  themselves  made  no  such  claim.  In 
two  of  the  books.  Genesis  and  Leviticus,  nowhere  is 
there  found  any  suggestion  of  authorship.  In  the 
other  books  there  are  five  places  that  suggest  author¬ 
ship,  but  in  each  case  the  claim  at  best  is  for  a  small 
and  well-defined  section  (Ex.  xxiv.  4;  xxxiv.  28;  Nu. 
xxxiii.  2;  Dt.  xxxi.  9,  24;  cf.  Ex.  xvii.  14;  Josh.  xxiv.  26). 
Further,  it  was  realized  that  there  was  not  in  the  whole 
of  Scripture  a  single  passage  that  was  written  for  the 
purpose  of  asserting  or  defending  Mosaic  authorship. 
Thus  it  was  seen  that  the  theory  of  Mosaic  authorship 
was  largely  the  product  of  late  Jewish  tradition  that 
had  been  accepted  by  Christian  writers,  rather  than 
the  direct  claim  in  the  books  themselves. 

The  Modern  Theory  of  the  Literary  Origin  of  the 
Old  Testament  Histories — To  follow  this  study  over 
a  period  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  would  be  out 
of  place  here.  Patiently  and  slowly  the  facts  were 
canvassed  and  theories  suggested  best  to  meet  the 
needs  of  the  case.  The  substantial  foundation  of  the 
present  theory  was  laid  more  than  a  century  ago,  and 
about  half  a  centurv  aso  it  attained  its  present  iorm. 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


25 


Not  final  in  all  its  analyses,  nor  perfect  in  all  its  de¬ 
tails,  yet  it  has  gained  the  assent  of  a  great  body  of 
Christian  workers,  and  seems  at  the  present  the  con¬ 
clusion  that  most  candidly  meets  all  the  facts. 

For  our  work  we  are  going  to  assume,  not  prove,  this 
the  documentary  theory  of  the  origin  of  the  Hexateuch. 
However,  the  student  will  have  ample  opportunity  at 
every  stage  of  the  course,  not  only  to  use  the  results 
of  the  theory  in  order  to  build  up  an  intelligent  pic¬ 
ture  of  the  progress  of  history,  but  also  to  put  it  to 
the  test,  step  by  step.  When  he  has  come  to  the  end 
of  the  work,  he  should  be  prepared  to  evaluate  it  for 
himself.  Whether  we  accept  it  or  not,  we  do  well  to 
be  familiar  with  it.  Without  a  general  knowledge  of 
the  main  lines  of  this  hypothesis,  the  most  important 
literature  on  the  Old  Testament  would  be  to  us  a  closed 
book.  Most  of  the  great  Bible  dictionaries,  all  the 
important  commentaries,  the  chief  volumes  on  Biblical 
theology  and  even  the  Hebrew  lexicons  accept  it. 

A  summary  is  here  presented  in  order  that  it  may 
serve  as  a  background  for  later  study.  The  pre- 
Mosaic  period  of  Israel’s  life  had  its  definite  soSal  and 
religious  customs,  its  songs,  its  stories  of  the  patriarchs, 
and  its  primitive  philosophy  which  aimed  at  explain¬ 
ing  the  mysteries  which  played  upon  and  influenced 
human  life.  These  originated  in  the  sinmle  nomadic 
or  senu-nomadic  life  ol^eir  ancestors.  NothTng“was' 
written,  all  passed  from  generation  to  generation 
orally.  This  is  still  true  of  the  nomad  of  the  Arabian 
desert. 

The  Mosaic  period  perpetuated  all  these  and  added 
the  stories  of  the  new  experiences.  Morally  and 
religiously  these  were  the  days  of  great  beginnings. 
Tribe  joined  tribe,  the  group  grew,  new  laws  were 
necessary^  and  Israel  by  choice  became  the  covenant 
people  of  Yahweh.  A  decalogue,  if  not  the  whole  as 
we  now  have  it,  then  in  part,  indicating  rights  and 


26  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


privileges  of  each  within  this  new  and  larger  unit, 
became  the  basis  of  this  tribal  union  and  this  allegiance 
to  Deity.  Sti^  we  j9;re  in  the  nomadic  period,  the 
period  of  oral  transmission.  Moses  may  have~Vritten 
M  adncalpgue,  or  may  even  have  gone  beynnd  thaU^ut 
fhewilderness  experience  was  neither  in  its  needs  nor 
its  culture  a  literary  period,  and  a  Pentateuch  written 
by  Moses  is  an  assumption  that  neither  the  conditions 
nor  the  Biblical  material  warrants.  Such  a  supposition 
throws  all  the  rest  of  the  Old  Testament  mfp'cbhfusion. 

"^TTEe  day^~of~TEe  judges  were  days  of  growing 
national  coherence,  but  they  neither  foster  nor  claim 
literary  activity.  T^e  stories  of  the  heroes  ^nd  the 
battle  songs  wer e^  committed  tUin5eJuture.^by  v^d  oF 
mouth .  Thel,gurOoimdations  of  mitlmrship  do  not 
appear^.till  the  days  of  the  monarchy.  Here,  for  the 
first  time,  we  find  a  stable  life,  an  organized  society, 
and  a  class  removed  from  the  bread-and-butter  line. 
In  the  court  of  David  we  meet  for  the  first  time  a 
chronicler  and  a  scribe  (II  Sam.  viii.  16-17).  It  may 
not  be  without  significance  that  one  of  these,  Sheva, 
bears  a  Babylonian  name  (cf.  II  Sam.  xx.  25). 

We_are^_  however,  on  ^re  _  ground  when  we  state 
that  writii^  ^s"pracUced  among  the  H^rews 
about  iOQO^Ja  TTwo  inipbffanT^ohsidefalions  sup¬ 
port  this  conception.  The  first  is  that  the  Hebrews 
were  not  the  inventors  of  writing.  They  borrowed  the 
alphabet  frbih  their~Phoenician  neighbors.  There  is 
no  evidence  anywhere  that  they  ever  used  any  other 
script.  We  m^  further  be  sure  that  this  borrowing 
did  imt  take  placWfilTsuch  time~as~th^hacl  both  the 
need  aUT  the  "opportunity .  Thus  we  can^arcaly  go 
_  back^eaHIeE  thanthe  days  of  tfienEL^dbrm  The  other 
ilfact  is  that  the  archeologist  li'^  presented  us  with  a 
number  of  important  finds  of  ancient  Hebrew, 
Moabite,  Syrian,  and  Phoenician  inscriptions,  but  none 
is  earlier  than  about  900.  b.c.  The  Old  Testament  and 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


27 


the  monuments  thus  agree  that  previous  to  1000  b.c. 
t^  culture  of  Israel  was  that  so  circumstantially  por- 
traye3"  in  the  hook  of  JuHgesi 

J.  Document — The  theory  holds  that  great  literary 
activity,  resulting  in  much  that  we  now  have  in  the 
Hexateuch,  arose  during  the  early  days  of  the  divided 
monarchy.  In  the  two  centers,  Judah  and  Ephraim, 
there  were  groups  of  writers  who  reduced  to  written 
form  many  of  the  old  stories,  the  old  songs,  the  laws, 
and  ideals  of  their  people.  These  two  groups  had  in 
large  measure  the  same  historical  background,  but 
each  had  also  its  own  tribal  history  and  its  own  view¬ 
point.  The  result  of  this  activity  was  that  some  time 
between  900  and  800  b.c.,  850  b.c.  will  serve  as  a  suffi¬ 
ciently  definite  date,  the  writers  of  the  south  country 
had  completed  a  considerable  roll.  It  had,  naturally, 
certain  marked  characteristics.  Judah,  as  a  tribe, 
naturally  stood  in  the  center  of  the  stage.  Southern 
centers  were  of  special  interest.  A  brief  law  code  was 
incorporated  (Ex.  xxxiv.  10-27)  and  Yahweh  was  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  been  worshiped  by  men  from  the  begin¬ 
ning  (Gen.  iv.  26).  Hence  this  document,  which,  of 
course,  is  not  now  existent  in  any  independent  form, 
is  called  the  Yah  wist  narrative  and  has  been 
designated  J. 

E.  Document — A  little  later,  perhaps  800  b.c.,  the 
northern  writers  completed  their  roll.  Here  attention 
was  centered  on  Ephraim  and  Ephraimitic  doings,  a 
law  code  (Ex.  xx.  2^-xxiii.  22),  now  known  as  Covenant 
Code,  was  included  and  the  name  Yahweh  was  con¬ 
ceived  to  have  been  first  introduced  in  the  Mosaic 
period  (Ex.  iii.  13-14).  Previous  to  this  time  the  name 
Elohim  is  used  with  a  great  deal  of  consistency  by  these 
writers.  This  is  called  the  Elohist  document  and  E.  is 
its  symbol. 

Many  other  features,  some  of  them  even  more  im¬ 
portant  than  those  referred  to,  all  together  making  a 


28  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


strong  case  for  the  theory,  distinguished  these  docu¬ 
ments  originally  from  each  other.  Many  'evident 
duplicates,  both  of  ancient  story  and  religious  custom, 
are  found.  Compare  carefully,  if  you  will.  Exodus 
xxxiv.  10-27  from  J.  with  Exodus  xx.  23;  xxii.  28-31; 
xxiii.  10-19  from  E. 

The  writers  of  J.  and  E.  have  been  spoken  of  as 
groups  or  schools  rather  than  as  individuals.  The 
fact  appears  to  be  that  both  of  the  so-called  documents 
were  the  result  of  a  process.  The  earliest  document  in 
each  case  seems  to  have  been  reworked  by  later  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  same  school.  Sometimes  the  effort  is  made 
to  distinguish  between  the  earliest  and  the  later  work 
of  each  group,  but,  in  many  cases  at  least,  the  result 
must  be  very  precarious. 

After  the  fall  of  Samaria,  in  722  b.c.,  Judah  stood 
alone  as  the  inheritor  of  Israel’s  history  and  traditions, 
and  the  perpetuator  of  all  her  moral  and  religious  life. 
She  thus  became  the  repository  of  the  two  important 
literary  documents,  J.  and  E.,  each  traversing  in  its 
own  way,  with  more  or  less  completeness,  the  ancient 
past.  Fortunately,  modern  methods  of  history  writing 
were  unknown  in  the  Semitic  world.  Our  Macaulays 
and  McMasters  would  have  gone  through  all  the 
material,  and  would  have  selected  that  which  suited 
their  purpose,  and  then  would  have  consigned  the  rest 
to  the  waste-paper  basket.  Tatian’s  Diatessaron  is 
the  type  of  work  done  by  the  Semite.  He  took  the 
synoptic  gospels  and  dovetailed  them  into  one  another, 
making  a  fairly  readable  whole.  The  Arab  historian 
of  the  Middle  Ages  did  much  the  same.  He  gathered 
all  the  traditions  he  could  find,  placed  them  side  by 
side,  and  thus,  presenting  the  material,  permits  the 
reader  to  draw  his  own  conclusions. 

Historians  of  Judah  now  had  J.  and  E.  What 
should  they  do  with  them?  The  modern  theory  con¬ 
cludes  that  they  followed  the  current  Semitic  method 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


29 


of  history  writing,  dovetailed  the  two  together  as  best 
they  could,  and  passed  them  on  to  posterity.  This 
was  done  between  722  and  650  b.c.  This  offers  an 
explanation  to  many  otherwise  inexplicable  features 
that  are  found  in  the  Pentateuch.  While  over  a  cen- 
tury^s  work  in  Hebrew  has  given  us  a  remarkable  con¬ 
sensus  of  opinion  as  to  the  dividing  lines  of  J.  and  E. 
even  in  small  details,  yet  no  one  considers  it  infallible, 
or  anything  more  than  the  best  explanation  to  date 
of  all  the  facts. 

Deuteronomy — Another  religious  movement  reached 
its  earliest  literary  expression  some  time  before  the 
reform  of  Josiah  (II  Kgs.  xxii.-xxiii.),  in  621  b.c., 
when  the  ‘‘book  of  the  law’’  was  accepted  by  king  and 
people  alike  as  authoritative.  That  this  was  Deuter¬ 
onomy,  or  the  nucleus  of  it  (Dt.  xii.-xix.,  xxviii.),  has 
long  been  accepted,  with  but  few  objectors.  How  long 
before  621  b.c.  this  book  was  in  written  form  it  is  im¬ 
possible  to  say.  It  contains  certain  laws  that  in  their 
origin  belong  to  antiquity.  Most  of  the  laws  of  Cove¬ 
nant  Code  (Ex.  XX.  22-xxiii.  called  C.C.)  are  here 
found  scattered  throughout  the  book,  but  frequently  in 
a  more  or  less  altered  form.  While  the  enactments  of 
C.C.  are  suited  for,  and  hence  likely  originated  in,  an 
agricultural  era,  those  of  D.  {i.e.,  Deuteronomy)  meet 
the  requirements  of  advanced  industrial  conditions.  A 
careful  comparison  of  the  law  for  slaves,  male  and  fe¬ 
male,  as  found  in  Exodus  xxi.  1-11  and  Deuteronomy 
XV.  12-18,  respectively,  will  illustrate  the  difference  in 
the  two  codes. 

The  ruling  idea  in  Deuteronomy  is  the  command 
that  there  shall  be  only  one  legitimate  sanctuary 
(xii.  13-16;  xvi.  5-7).  While  we  can  easily  follow  the 
influences  whereby  Jerusalem  came  to  be  recognized  as 
the  only  place  where  it  was  legitimate  to  offer  sacrifice 
or  celebrate  the  feasts,  by  no  stretch  of'  the  imagina¬ 
tion  can  we  conceive  of  this  becoming  a  dogma  before 


30  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  fall  of  Samaria  in  722  b.c.  The  fall  of  the  northern 
country  together  with  the  repulse  of  the  Assyrian 
army  in  701  b.c.,  and  Isaiah’s  message  of  the  in¬ 
violability  of  Jerusalem,  alone  made  possible  the  first 
demand  of  Deuteronomy. 

This  reform  was  the  greatest  that  ever  swept  over 
Judah.  Its  influence  was  literary  as  well  as  religious. 
There  sprang  up  what  is  known  as  the  Deuteronomic 
school  of  writers,  who  collected  and  edited  many  of 
the  existent  stories  and  documents.  The  JE.  history 
was  an  important  part  of  their  inheritance.  That  part 
that  carried  the  story  of  the  ancestors  down  to  the 
time  of  the  judges,  they  brought  up  to  date  theologi¬ 
cally,  about  600  B.C.,  by  adding  an  occasional  phrase  or 
paragraph.  To  the  ‘‘book  of  the  law”  (Dt.  xii.-xix., 
xxviii.,  or  Dt.  xii.-xxvi.,  xxviii.)  were  added  miscellane¬ 
ous  regulations  {e.g.,  Dt.  iv.  41-43;  v.  6-21),  horta¬ 
tory  discourses  {e.g.,  Dt.  iv.  1-40;  vi.  1 — ix.  6;  xxvii., 
xxix.-xxxi.),  two  poems  (Dt.  xxxii.,  xxxiii.),  and  the 
Deuteronomic  summary  of  the  journey  from  Sinai  to 
the  Jordan  (Dt.  i.  6 — hi.  29),  which  is  based  almost 
wholly  on  E.  This  completed  their  work  in  the  Penta¬ 
teuch  and  gave  to  the  world  JED. 

This  school  also  possessed  and  used  much  other 
literary  material.  Some  of  it  came  from  JE.,  some 
belonged  to  the  archives  of  the  temple  and  the  royal 
palace,  and  some  of  it  was  the  result  of  the  activities 
of  still  other  groups.  Selecting  the  narratives  that 
best  suited  their  end,  they  gave  to  posterity  in  the 
closing  years  of  the  sixth  century  and  the  opening  de¬ 
cades  of  the  fifth,  that  which  we  now  have  in  the  first 
twelve  chapters  of  Joshua  and  the  final  editions  of  our 
Judges,  Samuel  and  Kings. 

Priestly  Activity — In  597  b.c.  and  586  b.c.  occurred 
the  first  and  second  captivities  of  Jerusalem.  Ezekiel, 
one  of  the  captives  in  Babylon,  was  the  leader  of  a  new 
movement  which  was  largely  dominated  by  priestly 


ANCIENT  LITERARY  METHODS 


31 


ideals.  In  572  b.c.  he  wrote  his  vision  (Ezk.  xl.-xlviii.), 
the  new  ritual  requirement  for  the  new  Judaism.  A 
like-minded  contemporary,  perhaps  about  the  same 
time,  collected,  arranged,  and  perhaps  revised  a  code 
of  ritual  practices  (Lev.  xvii.-xxvi.),  now  called  Holi¬ 
ness  Code  (H.C.).  This  was  the  beginning  of  a  long 
development  which,  so  far  as  our  canon  is  concerned, 
reached  its  completion  in  the  books  of  Chronicles 
about  one  hundred  years  after  Ezra.  So  far  as  the 
Hexateuch  is  concerned,  Ezra  and  his  school  mark 
the  closing  of  an  epoch  and  practically  the  closing  of 
the  book.  The  literary  product  of  this  school,  which 
was  included  in  the  Hexateuch,  was  of  a  priestly  cast, 
and  is  designated  by  P.  P.  itself,  which  embodies  the 
activity  of  more  than  two  centuries,  contains  within 
itself  different  units  of  law  and  slightly  different  points 
of  view.  Suffice  it  here  to  say  that  this  school  gathered 
up,  organized,  interpreted,  and  reinterpreted  the  ritual 
of  ancient  Israel,  using  all  the  oral  and  written  sources 
at  their  command.  They  also  rewrote  the  early  his¬ 
tory  of  their  people,  beginning  with  the  creation  (Gen. 
i.-ii.  4a),  supplementing  the  JED.  story  where  they 
felt  it  necessary,  inserting  in  what  they  believed  to  be 
the  proper  places  the  story  of  priestly  institutions  and 
the  mass  of  ritual,  of  which  they  were  the  inheritors, 
and  arranging  the  whole  according  to  an  orderly, 
priestly,  chronological  scheme. 

This,  in  brief,  is  the  modern  theory  of  the  origin  of 
the  Hexateuch.  It  accepts  it  as  the  result  of  a  literary 
process  which  reached  from  the  early  settlement  in 
Canaan  till  after  the  time  of  Ezra.  It  finds  many  hands 
and  many  minds  each  struggling  with  the  needs  of  its 
own  generation,  and  each  contributing  its  quota  to 
the  whole.  Stories  are  here  that  may  not  agree  with 
each  other  in  all  points,  but  these  are  not  the  contra¬ 
dictions  of  one  author,  but  are  the  different  view¬ 
points  of  independent  witnesses.  Laws  are  here  that 


32  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


have  passed  through  as  many  as  four  recensions,  but 
these  are  not  the  confusions  of  an  individual  mind, 
but  are  the  evidences  of  religious  progress  through  cen¬ 
turies  of  national  experience.  The  progress  indicated 
in  this  rearrangement  of  the  material  of  the  Hexateuch 
corresponds  even  in  matters  of  detail  with  the  develop¬ 
ment  that  is  clearly  indicated  in  the  historical  and 
prophetic  books.  In  this  progress  there  is  indeed  a 
unity,  not  that  which  comes  from  one  human  mind, 
rather  it  is  that  which  comes  through  the  one  divine 
spirit  that  is  ever  moving  forward  to  the  light  through 
the  imperfect  human  media. 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  PATRIARCHS 


Genesis  xii.-l 

The  chapters  of  Genesis  (Gen.  xii.-l)  in  which  we 
find  the  stories  of  the  patriarchs,  come  chiefly  from  the 
combined  JE.  document.  The  analysis  into  the  original 
documents  may  be  followed  in  any  modern  com¬ 
mentary,  and  is  indicated  in  most  Bible  dictionaries, 
but  it  is  not  essential  to  our  work. 

Abraham — The  Old  Testament  story  of  Abraham  is 
in  large  part  from  J.,  and  fits  in  naturally  with  the 
Amorite  migration,  with  which  we  are  already  familiar 
(Gen.  xii.-xxv.).  His  name,  his  possible  date,  and  his 
homeland,  quite  conclusively  relate  him  to  these 
people.  Perhaps  midway  in  the  time  of  this  migration, 
with  a  group  of  his  followers,  he  trekked  from  Haran, 
along  the  well-known  caravan  route,  to  grazing  lands 
already  occupied,  in  part,  by  kith  and  kin.  The  weight 
of  the  tradition  makes  him  a  dweller  chiefly  in  the 
south-land,  Hebron  and  Beersheba  being  most  closely 
connected  with  his  sojourn  and  his  name.  His  migra¬ 
tions  from  one  place  to  another  in  the  south  and  even 
into  Egyptian  territory  were  at  that  time  the  common¬ 
places  of  nomadic  life. 

Jacob — The  story  of  Isaac,  which  duplicates  some  of 
the  incidents  in  his  father’s  experiences  (Gen.  xxvi. 
1-11;  cf.  xxi.  1-18),  is  only  a  link  between  the  ^‘Father 
of  the  Faithful”  and  the  father  of  the  patriarchs.  Jacob 
fits  admirably  into  the  picture  (Gen.  xxvii.-xxxvi.).  In 

33 


34  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  Old  Testament  tradition  he  is  called  an  Aramean 
(Dt.  xxvi.  5),  which  may  help  to  place  him  in  an  Ara¬ 
mean  migration  which  pushed  west  from  the  Eu¬ 
phrates  valley  about  1300  b.c.  In  the  Bible  narrative 
he  occupies  a  large  place  as  the  father  of  the  twelve 
patriarchs.  The  four  mothers,  however,  hold  the  real 
places  of  honor  in  history,  if  not  in  the  later  interpre¬ 
tation  (Gen.  xxix.  31 — xxx.  23).  Through  them  we 
have  the  four  main  divisions  of  the  Israelitish  tribes. 
The  story  seems  more  informing  concerning  national 
origins  than  a  first  reading  might  suggest. 

Woven  into  the  charming  picture  is  very  much  that 
reads  more  intelligently  as  tribal  tradition  than  as 
personal  biography.  Groups  have  been  personified, 
and  when  we  seek  to  literalize  all  the  expressions  we  do 
grave  injustice  to  those  who  handed  on  to  the  succeed¬ 
ing  generation  the  wealth  of  family  characteristics. 
Personification  is  one  of  the  most  familiar  features  of 
Oriental  literature.  With  the  passing  of  the  centuries 
some  loss  of  perspective  was  inevitable.  .To  the  story¬ 
teller  the  individual  easily  blended  with.-the_  tribe,  in¬ 
significant  links  m  descent  '^^re  easily  lost  sight  of, 
and  even  relationships  may  have  been  obscured. 
Hence,  we  need  not  be  surprised  that  some  of  our 
stories  are  more  significant  when  interpreted  in  the 
1ight_of  tribfll  expeidences  rather^  than  as  incidentgjn 
the  life  of  the  individual.  By  way  of  illustration,  the 
reTations  bSween  Jacob  and  Esau,  while  delightfully 
told  and  vividly  appealing  to  us  in  our  childhood  days, 
present  very  serious  difficulties  when  we  try  to  read 
them  merely  as  personal  history.  The  hungry  hunter 
selling  his  most  loved  privilege  for  a  mess  of  pottage? 
No  other  tent  close  by  to  which  he  might  crawl?  Jacob 
deceived  by  the  hairy  gloves  after  his  suspicion  had 
been  aroused?  Many  such  features  cause  us  to  ques¬ 
tion  whether  in  many  of  these  stories  we  may  not  have 
the  perfectly  legitimate  literary  form^ommon  in  the 


THE  PATRIARCHS 


35 


east,  in  which  great  movements  are,  _uictures(iuely.  pe^^^ 
sonified.  Israel  was  always  ready  to  drive  a  hard  bar¬ 
gain,  even  to  overreach,  but  at  the  same  time  was 
jealous  of  her  religious  privileges.  Edom  was  always 
on  the  alert  for  the  mess  of  pottage.  The  two  nations 
as  well  as  their  ideals  were  always  in  confiict.  This 
story,  and  the  same  is  true  of  many  others,  conveys  a 
profound  lesson  which  is  none  the  less  important,  if  in 
part  it  should  be  tribal  rather  than  individual. 

Joseph — We  are  led  into  another  field  in  the  story  of 
Joseph  (Gen.  xxxvii.-l.).  Nowhere  in  literature  have 
we  a  more  ideal  character.  That  a  person  worthy  of 
this  laudation  by  posterity  lived  we  need  not  question, 
but  the  moral  quality  of  the  narrative  is  its  chief  glory. 
Historically  the  Israelites  are  here  linked  up  with 
Goshen,  that  part  of  Egypt  that  lay  towards  the  desert 
of  Sinai,  and  had  long  been  a  favorite  haunt  for  the 
nomads  in  the  time  of  drought.  The  origin  of  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  is  placed  here.  Through  their  mother 
they  are  related  to  the  Egyptians  more  closely  than 
were  any  of  the  other  tribes. 

Tribal  Traditions — The  lives  of  the  patriarchs  then 
do  not,  strictly  speaking,  present  us  with  national  his¬ 
tory.  They  show  us  the  stuff  out  of  which  the  nation 
grew.  They  indicate  in  general  the  relationship  of  the 
Hebrews  to  the  Edomites,  the  Moabites,  the  Ammon¬ 
ites,  and  the  Syrians.  They  help  us  to  understand  their 
mixture  of  blood  and  the  primitive  conditions  out  of 
which  they  had  sprung.  These  narratives  are  the 
ancient  memories  which  succeeding  generations  carried 
forward  until  the v_werej&nally  reduced  to  their  present 
wfflten_fqfm.  The  achievements  of  their  ancestors, 
their  high  devotion  to  duty,  their  valor,  their  religious 
loyalties,  their  racial  hopes,  no  doubt,  lost  nothing  as 
the  stories  were  passed  from  father  to  son.  Legendary, 
perhaps  in  part,  yet  they  are,  in  their  most  significant 
features,  hl^ric^illy_^rrect.  The  portrayal  of  life 


36  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


and  custom,  the  consciousness  of  migratory  move¬ 
ments,  the  actual  intertribal  relationships  are  all 
illuminating.  But  as  the  bearers  of  a  national  confi¬ 
dence  and  a  national  ideal,  the  beauty  and  worth  of 
which  is  never  dimmed,  they  render  us  a  still  greater 
service. 

It  is  true  that  evMences^  of  primitive  religion  and 
primitive  morals,  which  have  ffie  sanc^ 

Gen.  xxviii.  18;  xxvi.  <^I7),  are  found  in  the  stories. 
OpnORhinage  was  the  practice.  Slaves  were  held. 
Abraham  practiced  tribal  ethics  when  he  denied  his 
wife.  Idols  were  foundln  the  tents.  A  stone  was  oiled, 
and  worsliip  was  instituted  where  something  in¬ 
explicable  had  happened,  as  did  the  Semitic  peoples 
generally,  and  Abraham  went  at  least  part  way  in 
offering  the  ,npljLnusiialj3hild  sacrifice.  In  all  these 
things  they  were  but  following  the  common  practices 
of  ancestors  and  neighbors. 

The  noteworthy  feature  in  these  narratives  is,  how¬ 
ever,  the  act  and  the  tone  which  separate  them  froni 
the  paganism  around  them.  TheTiafibn  was  to  be  a 
blessing.  The  child  sacrifice  was  not  performed ;  Abra¬ 
ham  learned  a  better  way.  The  honor  that  came  to 
Joseph  delighted  his  descendants,  but  the  quality  of 
his  virtue  and  the  nobility  of  his  character  place  him 
on  a  loftier  pinnacle  than  mere  achievement.  While 
these  narratives  are  told  with  charming  simplicity,  and 
have  all  the  picturesqueness  that  makes  them  good 
stories,  they  possess  ^thAUmoraL^flavoiL  ^(i.religious 
insight  thM^make  them  theJ)est_Qf  sermons. 


CHAPTER  V 


EGYPT  AND  THE  EXODUS 
Exodus  i.-xiv. 

Goshen,  the  section  of  the  country  occupied  by 
Israel,  was  a  small  district,  lying  north  and  south  of 
the  wady  Tumilat,  with  boundaries  which  to-day  can¬ 
not,  with  any  degree  of  exactness,  be  defined  (Gen. 
xlv.  10;  xlvi.  28-34;  xlvii.  1-6;  Ex.  i.  11).  Its  charac¬ 
teristics  were  quite  similar  to  those  of  the  desert  and 
on  the  whole  it  was  more  closely  related  to  Sinai  than 
to  Egypt  proper. 

The  date  of  the  Israelitish  entrance  into  Egypt  is 
uncertain.  Josephus  held  that  they  were  identical 
with  the  Hyksos,  those  shepherd  people  who  overran 
and  conquered  Egypt  about  1700  b.c.  and  who  were 
driven  out  about  1580  b.c.  This  identification  is  quite 
improbable,  though  it  is  possible  that  these  almost  un¬ 
known  people  may  have  paved  the  way  for  the  Israel¬ 
ites,  and  some  reminiscences  of  them  may  have  colored 
the  Hebrew  tradition.  The  connection  of  the  Israel¬ 
ites  with  Goshen  is  likely  to  have  been  one  of  long 
standing.  Abraham  sojourned  there.  Joseph  made  his 
home  there.  The  Hyksos  belonged  to  the  same  general 
family.  This  pasture  land  had  always  been  attractive 
to  the  dwellers  in  the  peninsula.  It  was  in  fact  the 
border  land  of  their  own  territory. 

The  main  settlement  of  the  Hebrews  in  this  pasture 
land  was  most  likely  at  a  time  considerably  later  than 
the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos.  Nomads  in  Goshen  would 

37 


38  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


rarely  be  molested  by  the  Egyptians.  The  customs  of 
the  two  communities  were  widely  divergent.  They 
had  little  business  with  each  other,  and  for  each  other 
still  less  love.  The  shepherd  would  not  live  in  the 
cities,  and  disdained  the  drudge  at  manual  labor.  The 
Egyptian  despised  as  beneath  contempt  the  sheep- 
raiser. 

The  relation  of  Israel  to  the  shepherds  of  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula,  and  even  with  Palestine,  would  always  be 
much  closer  than  with  Egypt.  The  type  of  life  was 
the  same.  The  people  were  of  the  same  blood  and 
speech.  The  habits  of  the  shepherd  led  him  to  travel 
over  wide  areas,  which  gave  him  familiarity  with  out¬ 
lying  regions.  So  it  is  more  than  probable  that  during 
the  period  in  Goshen  many  individuals,  and  even 
groups  of  considerable  size,  may  have  been  in  more 
or  less  close  contact  with  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  and 
southern  Palestine  (Ex.  ii.  15-iv.  IT;  Gen.  1.  7-9). 
The  bondage  was  not,  in  fact  could  not  be,  closely 
supervised  for  any  length  of  time. 

It  is  now  quite  generally  agreed  that  the  Pharaoh 
of  the  oppression  was  Ramses  II  (1290-1226  b.c.).  He 
was  a  great  potentate,  ruled  with  a  strong  hand,  con¬ 
quered  far  lands,  engaged  in  many  building  enterprises, 
and  employed  much  slave  labor.  During  his  reign  the 
cities  of  Pithom  and  Ramses  were  built  by  slave  labor 
as  frontier  storehouses.  This  is  the  most  assured  point 
of  contact  in  this  early  period.  It  seems  to  locate  the 
time  of  the  oppression  (Ex.  i.  11). 

The  exodus  is  one  of  the  outstanding  landmarks  in 
Old  Testament  literature.  The  historical  background 
is  clear.  For  generations  the  nomads  had  occupied 
the  fertile  grounds  of  Goshen  without  molestation.  An 
aggressive  Pharaoh,  with  ambitious  fortification 
schemes  for  his  eastern  frontier,  pressed  these  desert 
people  into  slavery.  The  ordinary  methods  of  the 
time,  the  hard  manual  labor,  the  taskmaster  with  his 


EGYPT  AND  THE  EXODUS 


39 


lash  and  his  disregard  for  life,  were  used.  The 
freedom-loving  spirit  of  this  people  rebelled  against 
conditions  so  new  and  so  intolerable  to  them. 

The  story  quite  correctly  pictures  this  as  extending 
over  a  considerable  time  (Ex.  ii.  1-15).  If  we  wished 
to  read  it  all  literally,  it  would  cover  at  least  eighty 
years;  that  is,  from  the  birth  of  Moses  up  to  his 
eightieth  year.  This  might  be  placing  undue  weight 
on  round  numbers  and  on  what  appears  to  have  been 
oral  tradition.  Surely  less  than  eighty  years  would 
have  rid  Goshen  of  the  last  Israelite.  The  drastic 
measures  reported  in  Exodus  i.  15-22,  at  best  could 
not  have  been  more  than  local  and  temporary.  Even 
apart  from  such  severity,  the  shepherds  would  not  long 
endure  the  lash  of  the  taskmaster.  The  desert  was 
close  by,  escape  to  it  was  easy;  tribes  there  were  not 
unfriendly,  and  many  of  its  spaces  were  quite  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  arm  of  Egypt. 

Oppression  did  become  unbearable.  General  revolt 
was  stimulated  and  guided  by  Moses,  bne  of  the  re¬ 
markable  characters  of  olden  times  (Ex.  ii.  11-15).  It 
is  true  that  the  lines  are  often  dim  because  of  the  dis¬ 
tance  between  the  achievement  and  the  record.  Often 
because  of  hero  worship  any  close  resemblance  to 
actual  history  is  practically  lost.  While  we  have  long 
pages  presenting  the  life  and  doings  of  this  great  leader 
in  Egypt  and  in  the  desert,  those  earmarks,  which  a 
writer  contemporary  with  the  events  would  have  left, 
are  all  but  lacking.  The  whole  background  is  very 
vague.  Who  was  the  princess  who  rescued  the  babe? 
Where  was  she  bathing?  In  what  part  of  the  land 
were  the  scenes  enacted?  Who  was  Pharaoh?  Is  the 
general  name  used  loosely  for  the  ruler  of  one  of  the 
districts?  Or  does  the  tradition  lift  a  local  experience 
up  into  national  significance?  Where  did  the  Israel¬ 
ites  cross  the  Red  sea?  Where  is  Mount  Sinai,  or 
Horeb?  So  might  we  continue  to  ask  questions,  but 


40  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


definite  information  is  not  to  be  had,  and  reconstruc¬ 
tion  is  all  but  impossible,  save  in  large  outline. 

However,  the  main  movement  seems  quite  certain. 
Moses,  a  man  of  great  native  gift  and  special  training 
in  Egypt  and,  more  particularly,  in  Midian,  inspired 
his  kinsmen  to  a  revolt,  and  led  them  out  of  bondage 
into  the  freedom  of  the  desert.  The  migration  had 
racial,  economic,  and  religious  incentives.  Later  days 
accentuated  the  religious  motive.  The  first  request  to 
Pharaoh  was  that  they  might  be  permitted  to  go  three 
days'  journey  into  the  wilderness  to  celebrate  a  feast 
(Ex.  V.  2-3).  Pharaoh  finally  relented  only  because 
of  divine  manifestations  (Ex.  vii.  14 — xi.  10).  The 
fearful  and  unwilling  people  were  inspired  for  the 
journey  by  the  wonder-working  God.  Yet,  no  doubt, 
natural  causes -were  at  work.  The  people  were  tired 
of  the  locality  that  now,  under  the  military  policy  of 
Ramses  II,  was  more  than  previously  under  the  direct 
rule  of  Egypt.  They  longed  for  the  ancient  freedom 
of  the  well-known  desert.  The  plagues,  all  of  them 
more  or  less  common  to  the  Nile  valley,  added  to  their 
eagerness  to  withdraw  (Ex.  vii. — xi.).  Escape  was 
never  difficult.  Roads  led  from  Egypt  into  the  desert 
in  at  least  three  different  places.  Their  flight  appar¬ 
ently  led  them  down  the  wady  Tumilat  a  few  miles, 
then  they  seem  to  have  turned  southward  into  the 
Egyptian  desert  to  avoid  the  pursuing  army  (Ex.  xiii. 
37 — xiv.).  As  they  hesitated,  perhaps  at  the  southern 
end  of  the  Bitter  lakes,  the  spring  wind  blowing  from 
the  south  or  southeast  greatly  aided  them,  and  likewise 
impeded  the  chariots  of  Egypt.  Thus,  most  probably 
in  the  early  years  of  the  reign  of  Merneptah  (1225- 
1215  B.C.),  in  a  marvelous  way  they  escaped  from  a 
hated  and  feared  foe  to  a  new-found  liberty. 

Many  glimpses  of  natural  motives  and  the  natural¬ 
ness  of  the  deliverance  have  been  preserved  in  the 
documents,  but  that  was  not  the  main  thought  of 


EGYPT  AND  THE  EXODUS 


41 


the  story-tellers.  They  found  a  deeper  and  richer 
meaning  in  all  the  experiences  of  their  founders.  To 
them  those  were  no  ordinary  days.  Yahweh  was  in 
the  burning  bush  and  in  the  plague  experiences.  He 
delivered  them  from  Pharaoh,  and  rolled  back  the 
waters  of  the  Red  sea.  They  conceived,  and  rightly 
so,  that  the  chief  glory  of  their  national  birthday  was 
the  manifestation  and  the  guidance  of  their  God. 


CHAPTER  VI 


ISRAELIS  EXPERIENCES  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 
Exodus  xv.-xviii.,  xix.-xl.;  Numbers  x.  11 — xx.  3 
A — The  Wilderness  Conditions 

The  conditions  of  life  in  the  wilderness  into  which 
the  refugees  fled  are  well  known.  For  the  last  three 
thousand  years  or  more  there  can  have  been  little 
change  of  climate,  rainfall,  or  consequent  productivity. 
Many  little  glimpses  in  the  Old  Testament  assure  us 
that  the  life  of  the  Hebrews,  during  their  sojourn, 
was  parallel  in  most  respects  if  not  all  to  that  of  those 
who  now  inhabit  this  peninsula.  There  are  two  dis¬ 
tinct  divisions  to  the  country.  The  flrst  is  the  south¬ 
ern  apex,  with  the  splendid  mountain  peaks,  Serbal, 
Musa,  and  Katrina,  in  the  Sinaitic  range,  its  valleys, 
wadies,  and  streams,  one  of  which  is  very  important 
for  its  water  supply.  Here  are  the  famous  mines,  of 
which  Maghareb  and  Serabit  are  the  most  noted,  where 
the  Egyptians  as  early  as  3500  b.c.  quarried  turquoise 
and  lapis  lazuli.  Inscriptions  are  also  here,  some  of 
which  are  comparatively  modern,  and  have  been  de¬ 
ciphered;  others  are  more  ancient,  and  until  recently 
have  challenged  the  ingenuity  of  scholarship. 

Since  the  third  century  after  Christ  tradition  has 
accepted  this  as  the  region  of  the  early  experiences  of 
Israel  and  of  the  giving  of  the  law.  With  its  winding 
wadies,  its  widening  plateaus,  its  supply  of  water,  and 
its  splendid  pinnacles  it  has  appealed  to  the  imagina- 

42 


ISRAEL’S  EXPERIENCES 


43 


tion  of  the  traveler  and  the  religious  historian.  Some 
modem  scholars,  as  well  as  the  guide  who  has  been 
schooled  in  Christian  lore,  locate  most  of  the  forty  sta¬ 
tions  of  the  journey  along  or  near  the  coast  of  this 
apex  (Nu.  xxxiii.  5-36). 

North  of  the  V-shaped  mountain  range  lies  the  dry, 
sandy  plateau,  broken  by  short  mountain  ridges  run¬ 
ning  north  and  south,  which  slowly  slopes  up  to  the 
Negeb,  and  thence  to  the  southern  border  of  Palestine. 
It  has  scant  vegetation,  save  around  its  borders  dur¬ 
ing  the  spring  freshets,  a  sparse  and  migratory  popu¬ 
lation,  generally  occupying  its  borders,  and  a  few  roads 
of  travel,  which  are  used  only  occasionally  by  the 
bedouin.  This  is  the  desert  Et  Tih,  known  in  the 
Old  Testament  under  various  names:  Shur  in  the 
east,  Zin  in  the  north,  and  one  writer  uses  Paran  as 
a  general  designation. 

Kadesh-Barnea  lies,  in  the  midst  of  a  complex  of 
valleys,  in  a  wild,  and  almost  inaccessible  country  in 
the  northern  part  of  this  desert.  It  is  abundantly  sup¬ 
plied  with  water  from  a  spring  that  issues  from  the 
limestone  rock  formation,  and  creates  the  most  im¬ 
portant  oasis  in  all  the  desert. 

The  whole  peninsula  contains  about  11,200  square 
miles,  and  is  a  rugged,  savage  country.  Agriculture 
in  the  true  sense  of  the  word  has  never  at  any  time 
existed  in  any  part  of  it. 

Indeed  ‘dt  is  no  place  of  seed  or  of  figs  or  of  vines 
or  of  pomegranates’’  (Nu.  xx.  5).  Haphazard  cultiva¬ 
tion,  a  few  square  yards  here  and  there  of  vegetables 
and  grain,  such  as  are  occasionally  planted  by  bedouin, 
was  possible.  It  is  pasture  land,  and  that  of  a  poor 
sort.  Dates  grow  around  many  of  the  springs,  and 
such  small  shrubs  as  the  thyme  are  scattered  over  most 
of  the  desert  areas.  Trees  such  as  the  tamarisk,  which 
is  noted  for  its  manna,  and  flowers  often  abound  on  the 
mountain  hillsides.  A  few  wild  animals,  as  the  hyena, 


44  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


and  occasionally  the  panther,  are  found,  and  quail  is 
still  common  throughout  the  peninsula. 

The  present  population,  bedouin,  who  live  on  their 
sheep  and  their  goats,  probably  on  the  average  as 
numerous  and  as  intelligent  as  they  have  ever  been, 
numbers  between  four  and  six  thousand.  The  life  is 
simple  and  meager.  The  required  food  and  clothing 
are  supplied  mostly  by  the  flock.  Fighting  for  im¬ 
portant  springs,  and  raiding  their  border  neighbors 
are  the  extremes  of  their  activity.  Touched  occasion¬ 
ally  by  the  outside  world,  east  and  west,  they  are  not 
of  it.  Civilization  with  its  foibles  and  ambitions,  its 
immoralities  and  its  learning  has  always  been  far 
removed  from  them.  A  traveler  last  century  testified 
that  he  had  been  unable  to  find  in  the  whole  country 
even  a  Sheik  who  could  either  read  or  write.  Such 
unnecessary  accomplishments  are  beyond  the  ken  of 
the  desert  man.  Such  was  essentially  the  condition 
of  the  desert  and  of  the  people,  when  the  Israelites 
spent  something  like  a  generation  within  its  borders. 


B — The  Wilderness  Wanderings 

Moses,  the  man  of  God,  gained  leadership  over  his 
people  by  the  force  of  his  personality,  as  well  as  by 
his  unselfish  devotion  to  their  interests.  As  we  have 
seen,  he  encouraged  them  in  their  wish  to  leave  Egyp¬ 
tian  servitude,  and  thus  he  came  into  conflict  with 
Pharaoh,  likely  through  a  subordinate  official  or  a 
petty  ruler  of  Goshen,  rather  than  directly.  He 
gathered  the  slaves  into  an  orderly  caravan  in  the 
wady  Tumilat,  and  after  the  simple  and  appropriate 
religious  ceremonies,  which  were  carried  out  in  the 
middle  of  the  night  secretly,  they  left  the  land  of 
their  oppressors  (Ex.  xii.  29-35).  Fearing  the  fron¬ 
tier  guards,  they  seem  to  have  turned  south,  and  may 


ISRAEL’S  EXPERIENCES 


45 


have  marched  as  far  as  forty  miles  from  the  eastern 
end  of  the  wady.  Then,  taking  advantage  of  the 
shallow  waters  between  the  southern  end  of  the  Bitter 
lakes  and  the  north  of  the  Red  Sea,  which  were  driven 
back  by  a  providential  wind,  he  triumphantly  led 
the  little  group  of  wanderers  out  into  the  desert.  Here 
they  were  finally  separated  from  the  hated  service 
under  the  taskmaster,  and  the  dreaded  military  guards 
who  were  in  hot  pursuit.  Before  them  stretched  the 
freedom  of  broad  spaces,  the  verdure  and  protections 
of  ravines,  and  the  craggy  fastnesses  of  rugged  granite 
ranges.  Well  might  the  host  of  Israel  sing: 

Sing  ye  to  the  Lord, 

For  he  hath  triumphed  gloriously; 

The  horse  and  the  rider  hath 
He  thrown  into  the  Sea  (Ex.  xv.  21). 

Well  might  after-generations  celebrate  this  as  the 
birthday  of  the  nation. 

Significant  as  this  was,  it  was  only  the  beginning. 
Moses  led  them  out  into  the  wilderness  of  Shur,  and 
they  went  three  days  into  the  wilderness  (Ex.  xv.  22). 
This  may  perhaps  give  us  a  hint  that  they  struck 
straight  eastward  across  the  desert  towards  Midian. 
Here  there  must  have  existed  from  very  ancient  times 
an  old  caravan  route,  which,  because  of  the  shorter 
passage  to  the  Arabian  desert,  compensated  for  the 
hardships  of  the  possible  sand  storm  and  the  lack  of 
water.  The  springs  of  Nakhl  lie  about  halfway  be¬ 
tween  the  Bitter  lakes  and  Akaba.  It  is  along  this 
pathway  that  the  annual  Moslem  pilgrimage  has 
passed  for  many  centuries  on  its  way  to  Mecca. 

However,  what  is  known  as  the  traditional  route, 
runs  southward,  skirting  more  or  less  closely  the  coast 
line,  down  as  far  as  the  wady  Feiran.  Thence  it 
passes  eastward  along  this  wady  until  it  reaches  the 
foot  of  Mount  Serbal,  which  the  most  ancient  tradi- 


46  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


tion  claims  as  the  Mount  of  the  Law.  Arguments 
both  from  Scripture  and  from  geography  can  be  ar¬ 
rayed  for  each  of  these  routes,  and  for  various  loca¬ 
tions  for  the  Mount  of  the  Law,  but  certainty  has  not 
yet  crowned  knowledge. 

Sinai-Horeb,  wherever  it  was,  in  the  Sinaitic  range, 
or  in  the  mountains  of  Seir,  or  near  Kadesh-Barnea, 
or  in  the  land  of  Midian  east  of  the  Gulf  of  Akaba, 
was  a  mile-post  in  the  religious  history  of  Israel.  It 
was  here  that  they  as  a  people  entered  into  covenant 
relationship  with  Yahweh  (Ex.  xix.  5;  xxxiv.  10,  27; 
Dt.  xix.  1).  Much  of  the  actual  course  of  history  has 
been  obscured  by  the  traditions.  Some  of  the  features 
are  far  from  certain  to  any  one.  The  origin  of  the 
name  of  Yahweh,  and  its  introduction  into  Israel  is 
not  undisputed.  The  Old  Testament  narratives  are 
not  in  agreement.  The  J.  document  traced  the  name 
back  to  primeval  days,  while  E.  and  P.  assert  it  is 
a  new  name  given  to  Moses  during  his  experience  in 
Midian  (Gen.  iv.  26;  cf.  Ex.  iii.  14  and  vi.  3).  The 
traditions  perhaps  throw  light  on  the  historic  facts. 
It  may  be  that  Judah,  from  whom  the  J.  school  came, 
had  worshiped  Yahweh  from  very  early  times,  but 
that  the  northern  tribes,  who  were  in  large  part  re¬ 
lated  to  Joseph  and  hence  to  Egypt,  may  not  have 
been  very  closely  connected  with  Judah  or  with  Yah¬ 
weh  before  the  time  of  the  exodus.  Thus  both  the 
J.  and  the  E.  narratives  may  have  preserved  a  reminis¬ 
cence  of  their  tribal  past. 

Nor  can  we  disregard  the  part  played  in  these  forma¬ 
tive  days  by  the  Kenites  (Ex.  xviii.  1-12).  Jethro, 
the  father-in-law  of  Moses,  rejoiced  in  all  the  good¬ 
ness  of  Yahweh,  and  proclaimed  his  supremacy  over 
all  gods.  He  offered  burned  offering  and  sacrifice, 
and  with  Moses  and  Aaron  celebrated  a  religious 
meal.  The  later  union  of  the  Kenites  with  Israel,  and 
their  splendid  loyalty  to  Yahweh,  hints  at  a  very 


ISRAELIS  EXPERIENCES  47 

close  religious  relationship  (Nu.  x.  29-32;  Jg.  i.  16; 
iv.  11). 

Not  only  does  this  supposition,  that  we  have  here 
the  enlargement  of  the  group  worshiping  a  deity  al¬ 
ready  known  to  part  of  the  people,  fit  most  adequately 
into  all  the  facts,  but  likewise  it  would  seem  that  the 
covenant  had  a  long  history.  These  tribes,  quite 
heterogeneous,  quite  dissimilar  in  the  details  of  their 
history,  were  nevertheless  one  in  their  ancestry.  They 
linked  themselves  with  the  Amoritic  migration  from 
the  north.  Abraham  was  their  father  (Gen.  xv.  18, 
xvii.  2-21).  Those  Semitic  pioneers  were  not  without 
religious  aspiration  and  guidance.  Hopes  became 
promises,  and  promises  partly  realized  have  always 
gained  divine  sanctions.  A  strain  of  faith  had  motived 
the  actions  of  these  people  from  the  beginning.  Now 
under  Moses  they  faced  a  new  venture,  truly  a  ven¬ 
ture  of  faith.  Only  under  such  an  incentive  could 
they  have  crossed  the  Red  sea  and  gone  out  into  the 
wilderness;  only  thus  could  they  have  been  held  to¬ 
gether  and  have  survived  amidst  the  difficulties  that 
they  encountered.  Surely,  Yahweh  led  and  fed,  de¬ 
fended  and  upheld  them. 

But  in  the  wilderness  there  were  new  experiences. 
Their  hardships  were  many.  Food  was  sometimes 
scarce,  and  water  lacking.  Local  tribes  warred  upon 
them,  and  internal  friction  was  a  constant  worry.  They 
were  restless  and  rebellious.  But  Moses  was  equal  to 
all  occasions.  He  led  them  to  good  waters.  He  drove 
back  the  attackers.  He  settled  the  petty  disputes  of 
individuals,  and  crushed  incipient  rebellion  against  his 
own  authority.  He  led  them  to  the  Mountain  of  God, 
and  amidst  startling  physical  manifestations,  such  as 
were  unknown  in  Egypt,  we  can  well  believe  that  he 
established  a  covenant  between  Israel  and  Yahweh 
(Ex.  xix.  5-8,  xxxiv.  10-27). 

Old  and  well-known  forms  would,  no  doubt,  be  ob-  • 


48  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 

served.  An  animal  would  be  slain  and  the  contracting 
parties,  or  their  representatives,  would  pass  between 
the  separated  halves  of  the  slain  beast,  each  would 
pledge  himself  to  keep  his  part  of  the  obligation,  and 
the  sacrifice  would  be  offered.  Here  the  pledge  of 
Israel  was  loyalty  to  Yahweh  as  their  God  and  to  his 
known  commandments.  His  pledge  would  be  the  care 
and  protection  of  them  as  his  people.  The  symbol 
of  this  covenant,  which  would  perpetually  remind  his 
people  of  his  presence,  and  which  finally  became 
identified  with  himself,  was  the  ark  of  the  covenant 
(Nu.  X.  33,  35;  xiv.  44;  Dt.  x.  1-6). 

The  terms  of  the  covenant  that  Israel  was  to  observe 
are  not  certain.  Loyalty  to  Yahweh,  their  deity,  was, 
of  course,  a  primary  requirement,  but  the  exact  limit 
of  the  commandments  that  were  to  be  observed  is 
largely  a  matter  of  speculation.  J.  in  a  very  circum¬ 
stantial  way  makes  the  ritual  decalogue  Exodus  xxxiv. 
14-28,  the  words  of  the  covenant  which  were  written 
on  the  tables  of  stone  (Ex.  xxxiv.  27-28).  E.,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  a  very  much  enlarged  body  of  law, 
called  the  Covenant  Code  (Ex.  xx.  18-xxiii.),  which  is 
likewise  made  the  basis  of  the  same  covenant  (Ex. 
xxiv.  3-8).  These  in  turn  do  not  agree  with  the  record 
in  Deuteronomy,  where  the  ethical  decalogue  is  the 
law  which  was  written  on  the  two  tables  of  stone  when 
Yahweh  made  the  covenant  with  Israel  in  Horeb  (Dt. 
V.  2-22).  It  is  evident  that  we  have  scattered 
throughout  Covenant  Code  a  recension  of  the  ritual 
decalogue.  Two  witnesses  might  seem  to  establish 
this  as  the  original  body  of  law  which  Israel  cove¬ 
nanted  to  keep.  But  a  glance  at  the  contents,  which 
are  framed  for  an  agricultural  community  {e.g.,  the 
harvest  festivals),  puts  that  out  of  the  question.  Turn¬ 
ing  to  the  ethical  decalogue,  we  find  here  also  two 
recensions  (Dt.  v.  6-21  and  Ex.  xx.  1-17)  with  con¬ 
siderable  variations.  It  is  evident  that  behind  the 


ISRAEL’S  EXPERIENCES 


49 


present  forms  there  lay  a  decalogue,  or  a  small  group 
of  laws,  which  contained  the  prohibitions  in  their 
simplest  forms.  Such  a  simple  body  of  laws,  ten  more 
or  less,  emphasizing  those  principles  that  must  be 
observed  between  the  tribes,  if  there  is  to  be  any  unity, 
and  recognizing  Yahweh  as  their  only  God,  may  well 
have  been  made  the  bond  of  the  new  community  life 
under  Moses.  If  this  was  the  case,  these  command¬ 
ments  would  be  obligations  only  within  the  tribes, 
and  would  hardly  have  the  universal  significance  which 
we  now  find  in  them.  Such  seems  the  best  hypothesis 
to  meet  all  the  Biblical  and  historical  facts. 


C — Struggle  and  Development 

Life  in  the  wilderness  was  beset  by  many  grave 
difficulties  even  to  those  who  were  more  or  less  familiar 
with  its  conditions  of  livelihood.  While  the  Hexateuch 
does  not  claim  to  give  the  minutiae  of  all  the  movement 
of  the  forty  years,  many  of  the  fragments  give  us  a 
lifelike  picture  of  the  actual  situation.  Itineraries  and 
detailed  movements  we  neither  can  nor  care  to  follow. 
The  general  conditions,  however,  are  writ  large. 

It  was  a  period  of  struggle  and  of  growth.  Domestic 
troubles  were  brewing  for  Moses.  Miriam  did  not 
take  kindly  to  the  Egyptian  sister-in-law.  Aaron  also 
may  have  been  moved  by  jealousy  (Nu.  xii.  1-15). 
But  family  quarrels  were  perhaps  the  least  signifi¬ 
cant. 

Physical  difficulties  and  dangers  abounded  on  every 
part  of  the  way.  Their  habitat  for  the  major  part  of 
the  time  was  the  northern  division  of  the  peninsula, 
running  from  the  desert  up  into  the  southern  part  of 
Palestine.  Egypt  was  the  western  boundary,  and 
Edom  the  eastern.  Kadesh  Barnea,  which  is  fifty 
miles  south  of  Beersheba,  with  its  famous  spring,  was 


50  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  center.  Excursions  were  made  by  groups  north 
into  Judah,  as  far  as  Eschol,  and  on  the  east  they 
came  into  conflict  with  Edom  (Nu.  xiii.  23).  No 
doubt,  like  the  modern  Arab,  they  roamed  at  will  over 
the  whole  of  the  peninsula,  parties  at  times  ranging 
southeast  into  Midian,  and  north  and  east  as  far  as 
Gilead. 

Though  centers  were  very  definite,  boundary  lines 
were  neither  well  guarded  nor  firmly  fixed  in  those 
days  of  mobile,  migratory  groups.  Other  tribes  were 
in  the  country.  The  Hebrews  came  more  or  less  closely 
in  contact  with  Amalekites,  Midianites,  Kenites, 
Amorites  and  Canaanites.  Conflict  was  inevitable. 
Sometimes  the  Israelites  suffered  defeat,  but  more 
frequently  they  were  successful.  They  met  the  Amale¬ 
kites  in  battle,  and  defeated  them  (Ex.  xvii.  8-16). 

Looking  for  territory  which  would  be  more  adequate 
for  their  growing  needs,  their  advance  agents  pene¬ 
trated  into  Judah  (Nu.  xiii — xiv.  10).  But  the  people 
feared  to  seek  an  entrance  into  the  land  flowing  with 
milk  and  honey.  There  was  undoubtedly  a  real  reason 
for  this  hesitancy.  A  body  of  Israelites  met  the 
Canaanites  at  Hormah,  and  some  of  their  number  were 
taken  captive  (Nu.  xxi.  1-3).  This  may  only  be  a 
reminiscence  of  those  encounters  which  made  it  neces¬ 
sary  for  Israel  to  remain  longer  in  the  less  fertile  land 
of  the  wilderness. 

Their  food  supply,  milk,  fruit,  and  at  rare  intervals 
meat,  was  that  which  was  customary  to  the  bedouin. 
Agriculture  was  lacking  (Ex.  xvii.  3;  Nu.  xvi.  13;  xxi. 
5;  XX.  5).  Great  was  their  joy  when  in  the  springtime 
a  flock  of  quail  was  driven  by  the  westward  wind 
across  their  pathway,  and  the  exhausted  birds  easily 
became  their  prey  (Nu.  xi.  31-35).  Naturally,  the 
consequence  of  the  unusual  gorge  of  flesh,  neither 
properly  killed  nor  cooked,  was  an  immediate  plague. 
No  less  thankful  were  they  when  the  manna — 


ISRAEL’S  EXPERIENCES 


51 


literally  ^What  is  it?”— fell  (Nu.  xi.  7-8).  Whether 
this  was  the  exudation  of  the  tamarisk  tree,  which 
the  monks  of  Sinai  still  gather  and  sell,  or  an  edible 
lichen  found  in  the  desert,  matters  not.  The  people 
rejoiced  in  what  they  believed  to  be  a  wonder  wrought 
by  Yahweh,  their  God. 

Water,  likewise  in  a  moment  of  great  need,  was 
unexpectedly  provided  them  by  their  leader  (Nu.  xx. 
2-13).  Whether  the  sweetening  of  the  bitter  waters,  or 
the  bringing  of  the  water  from  the  rock  was  the  un¬ 
covering  of  an  old  spring,  the  discovery  of  a  fountain 
hitherto  unknown  to  the  tribes,  or  the  releasing  of  a 
new  current  of  water,  the  thirsty  nomads  neither 
judged  nor  cared.  Singing  their  usual  incantation 
song. 

Spring  up  0  Well;  sing  ye  unto  it; 

The  well  which  the  princes  digged ; 

Which  the  nobles  of  the  people  delved. 

With  the  scepter  and  with  their  staves. 

(Nu.  xxi.  17-18.) 

new  light  came  into  their  eyes  as  they  drank  the  long- 
looked-for  waters;  religious  people  as  they  were,  they 
rejoiced  in  the  miracle  of  life,  and  acknowledged  the 
power  and  the  goodness  of  their  God.  Later,  devout 
interpreters  easily  turned  the  staves  and  the  scepter 
into  the  rod  of  Moses,  and  duly  exalted  him  against 
whom  their  fathers  had  so  often  rebelled  (cf.  Nu.  xx. 
2-13;  Ex.  xvii.  1-7).  Serpents  also  met  them  by  the 
way  (Nu.  xxi.  4-9).  In  later  history  we  find  a  record 
from  the  Assyrian  monuments  from  the  time  of  Esar- 
haddon,  in  which  the  Assyrian  army  going  through 
the  land  south  of  Edom — the  same  territory  that  is 
here  indicated — is  said  to  ^‘have  passed  through  one 
hundred  and  twenty  double  leagues  of  wilderness,  and 
twenty  double  leagues  of  serpents  and  scorpions.” 
Thus  the  Old  Testament  narrative  gives  us  a  glimpse 


52  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  the  real  experiences  of  the  people  of  Yahweh  in  the 
wilderness.  These  were  days  of  danger  and  suffering, 
yet  later  generations  were  sure  they  were  always  re¬ 
lieved  in  the  time  of  need  by  the  good  hand  of  the 
wonder-working  God. 

But  the  greatest  difficulty  experienced  was  not  from 
without  but  from  within.  During  these  days  there 
was  in  process  of  formation  a  new  community.  A 
number  of  tribes,  usually  spoken  of  as  twelve,  now 
for  the  first  time  began  to  move  and  live  together. 
Our  picture  of  the  situation,  however,  cannot  be  too 
rigid.  The  various  tribes  that  later  formed  the  Israel- 
itish  nation  must  at  this  period  have  had  very  wide 
latitude.  Yet  because  of  the  union  of  a  number  of 
tribes  in  the  exodus,  and  the  common  needs  of  the 
wilderness,  there  was  a  growing  coherence.  But  just 
in  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  tribes  that  were 
now  brought  together  in  a  confederacy,  so  would  be 
the  difficulties.  Each  tribe  had  its  own  history,  hence 
its  own  customs,  both  civil  and  religious.  True,  there 
must  have  been  a  common  inheritance,  but  there 
would  also  be  much  that  was  peculiar  to  each  tribe. 
This  would  necessitate  very  delicate  adjustment.  New 
ritual  and  new  laws  would  be  required  for  the  new 
alliance.  This,  while  rooted  in  the  history  of  the 
tribes  concerned,  must  also  grow  out  of  their  pressing 
present  needs. 

New  methods  for  the  administration  of  justice,  and 
a  more  adequate  organization  for  this  incipient  nation 
would  be  required.  The  story  of  part  of  this  is 
graphically  told  in  Exodus  (xviii.  1-27).  Jethro,  the 
Midianite,  the  father-in-law  of  Moses,  during  a  visit 
to  the  camp  of  Israel,  advised  Moses  to  adopt  the 
practice  long  in  use  by  the  Midianites.  This  seemed 
good  to  Moses,  and  he  appointed  petty  judges  who 
should  settle  all  cases  of  minor  importance  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  well-known  custom,  while  he  himself  should 


ISRAEL’S  EXPERIENCES  53 

take  over  all  the  difficult  cases,  and  act  as  supreme 
judge. 

Departure  from  old  customs  always  leads  to  conflict. 
The  authority  of  Moses  did  not  go  unquestioned.  He 
was  an  innovator,  and  some  looked  on  him  as  an  up¬ 
start.  Dathan  and  Abiram,  leaders  of  the  Reubenites, 
opposed  his  authority  in  civil  affairs  (Nu.  xvi.  lb, 
12-15,  25-26).  While  the  whole  story  is  not  told,  we 
are  assured  that  in  the  ensuing  conflict  Moses  was 
vindicated. 

Nor  does  he  as  a  religious  leader  fare  any  better. 
The  story  of  Korah  and  his  company  has,  by  the  editor 
of  Numbers  xvi.,  been  interlocked  with  the  entirely 
different  episode  of  Dathan  and  Abiram.  It  is  easy  to 
disentangle  the  two  narratives.  Korah  led  the  re¬ 
bellion  against  the  innovations  of  Moses  in  affairs  of 
religion  (Nu.  xvi.  la,  2-11,  16-23).  In  this  narrative, 
which  comes  from  P.,  Korah  claims  that  the  whole 
congregation  is  holy,  and  asserts  that  Moses  and  Aaron 
are  assuming  too  much.  This  is  the  conflict  between 
the  old  equality  of  the  petty  princes  of  the  tribes,  and 
the  new  authority  of  the  leader  of  the  larger  unit. 
This  seems  to  have  been  the  beginning  of  the  special¬ 
ization  of  the  priesthood.  The  new  order  of  the 
Levitical  priesthood,  which  is  represented  here  as  hav¬ 
ing  its  inception  in  the  wilderness,  faced  long  cen¬ 
turies  of  comparatively  slow  development  before  it 
became  fully  recognized.  The  final  result,  however, 
was  its  complete  justification  and  legalization.  To 
the  same  movement  belongs  the  account  of  the  strange 
incense  offered  by  Nadab  and  Abihu  (Lev.  x.  1-5). 
No  doubt  in  those  days,  when  order  was  slowly  emerg¬ 
ing  out  of  tribal  chaos,  religious  customs  of  some  of 
the  tribes  would  not  be  acceptable  to  the  whole.  The 
most  approved  methods  of  worship  were  being  slowly 
put  to  the  test  by  the  whole  group.  Painfully  did  the 
ritual  of  ancient  Israel  come  to  birth  and  grow  to 


54  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


maturity.  The  undesirable  was  sloughed  off,  and 
the  more  approved  accepted.  This  is  one  of  the 
illustrations  in  which  the  new  religion  purified 
itself  from  that  which  was  unnecessary  to  the  new 
regime. 

Golden  Calf — No  less  illuminating  is  the  story  of 
the  golden  calf  (Ex.  xxxii.).  Here  in  the  hour  of  ex¬ 
tremity  is  what  seems  to  be  a  reversion  to  type.  The 
nomad  always  had  a  veneration  for  the  ox.  As  essen¬ 
tial  to  his  life,  we  do  not  wonder  that  it  occupied  a 
central  place  in  his  worship.  But  new  days  were  at 
hand.  A  new  spirit  was  stirring  in  the  midst  of  the 
tribes.  A  more  spiritual  worship  was  demanded.  Just 
how  early  there  was  a  propaganda  against  images  in 
Israel  is  uncertain.  In  the  middle  of  the  eighth  cen¬ 
tury  B.c.  we  have  the  definite  attack  by  Hosea.  But 
it  is  most  likely  that  the  roots  of  his  dogma  sink  deep 
into  the  past.  That  the  germ  of  this  should  lie  in  the 
desert  experience,  is  not  only  comprehensible,  but  is 
the  most  obvious  explanation  for  the  later  growth. 
The  desert  infiuence  tended  towards  a  very  meager 
symbolism  in  religion. 

The  Old  Testament  picture  of  this  period  is  reason¬ 
ably  complete.  It  gives  us  glimpses  of  that  stress  and 
strain  which  always  accompanies  national  and  religious 
growth.  There  were  conflicts  with  environment  and 
antagonisms  within.  A  number  of  tribes,  with  varied 
histories,  could  not  unite  into  one  group  without  clash 
of  leadership  and  ideas.  A  foreign  group,  like  the 
Kenites,  could  not  be  assimilated  without  irritations 
within  the  body  politic.  A  new  emphasis  could  not 
be  demanded  in  religion  without  serious  heart-burn¬ 
ings  and  grave  fears  on  the  part  of  many.  A  new 
covenant  could  not  be  consummated  apart  from 
criticism  and  dissension.  Nor  could  a  new  symbolism 
in  worship  be  introduced  without  some  sincere  souls 
showing  a  preference  for  the  good  old  ways. 


ISRAEL’S  EXPERIENCES 


55 


D — The  Achievements  of  Moses 

That,  during  this  period,  such  achievements  were 
brought  well  under  way,  is  nothing  short  of  miraculous. 
That  later  religious  interpreters  should  conclude  the 
story  of  each  struggle  with  a  picture  of  divine  inter¬ 
vention  in  some  supernatural  form,  is  not  strange.  To 
have  failed  to  have  seen  the  mark  of  divine  approval, 
or  to  have  neglected  to  express  it  in  terms  that  were 
appreciated  by  their  early  readers,  would  have  been 
unwarranted.  No  man  could  lay  foundations  in  the 
life  of  a  nation,  ancient  or  modern,  such  as  Moses 
did,  without  being  led  by  God,  and  without  having 
on  his  actions  the  seal  and  approval  of  God  as  well 
as  the  historian. 

Such  achievement  gives  Moses  a  unique  place  as 
statesman  and  religious  leader  in  Israel.  We  do  not 
wonder  that  later  centuries  placed  a  halo  upon  his 
brow,  or  that  Michelangelo  chiseled  the  sprouting 
horns  on  his  forehead.  Legend  alone,  though  at  times 
it  sadly  distorts  history,  can  place  on  its  proper  pin¬ 
nacle  the  spirit  and  personality  of  the  hero. 

Part  of  the  halo  with  which  the  ancients  invested 
him  was  that  of  authorship.  In  rabbinical  tradition, 
he  is  credited  with  spending  forty  days  in  heaven, 
during  which  time,  like  the  angels,  he  ate  nothing, 
while  God  instructed  him  in  the  daytime  in  the  law 
and  in  the  nighttime  in  the  Mishna.  It  is  said  ‘‘God 
taught  him  everything  which  every  student  should 
discover  in  the  course  of  time.”  In  fact,  he  is  reputed 
to  have  taught  the  Egyptians,  the  Greeks,  and  the 
Phoenicians  all  of  their  respective  cultures. 

The  student,  of  course,  does  not  take  all  of  this 
seriously.  From  what  already  has  been  indicated,  it 
may  be  questioned  whether  any  considerable  part  of 
the  tradition  has  the  warrant  either  of  Scripture  or 
of  historic  probability.  Nomadic  peoples  living  amidst 


56  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


such  conditions  as  are  found  in  the  wilderness  neither 
possess  a  high  civilization,  nor  produce  literature. 
These  were  days  of  simple  wants  and  simple  outlook, 
rather  than  of  complex  culture.  It  was  the  time  when 
the  simple  stone  monuments  at  Gilgal  were  better 
understood  by  the  Israelites  than  could  have  been  an 
elaborate  code  of  laws,  or  a  volume  of  ancient  religious 
interpretation. 

But  this  was  a  formative  period.  There  was  a 
wealth  of  experience  which  was  handed  down  to  later 
writers.  The  struggles,  the  conquests,  the  deliverances, 
the  decisions,  civil  and  religious,  by  the  judges,  all 
became  the  property  of  oral  tradition,  and  were  passed 
on  to  succeeding  generations.  It  was  the  day  of 
national  beginnings,  and  was  the  seed-bed  of  law  and 
religion.  Though  our  earliest  sources  neither  encour¬ 
age  us  to  believe  that  Israel  began  her  career  with 
civil  and  religious  codes  that  were  complete  for  all 
time,  nor  to  give  Moses  the  chief  seat  among  the 
scribes,  yet  later  tradition,  though  with  very  imperfect 
perspective,  has  scarcely  done  more  than  justice  to 
the  importance  of  the  experiences  and  the  character  of 
Moses.  This  means,  not  that  we  should  resolve  all 
the  narratives  into  bald  prose,  which  was  neither 
the  intention  of  the  earliest  story-tellers,  nor  profit¬ 
able  to  us,  but  that  we  should  find  here  the  impulse 
which  separated  Israel  from  their  past  and  from  their 
neighbors,  and  the  leader,  who,  under  God,  was  the 
pioneer  in  the  national,  the  moral,  and  the  religious 
life  of  this  people.  If  Moses  gave  a  few  regulative 
principles  for  the  new  intertribal  observance,  if  he 
gained  their  united,  intelligent  consent  thereto,  if 
he  brought  this  people  into  covenant  relation  to  Yah- 
weh  by  their  own  choice,  then  he  laid  the  foundations 
of  all  the  later  religious  development  of  the  nation. 
Such  achievement  may  well  assure  to  his  name  a  place 
of  honor  among  the  world’s  great  religious  leaders. 


f  *r 


TERRITOKIAL  DIVISION  OF  CANAAN  AFTER  THE 
FINAL  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  HEBJ^SW^  ^TRIBES 


68 


CHAPTER  VII 


ENTRANCE  INTO  AND  SETTLEMENT 

IN  CANAAN 

Joshua  i. — xii. ;  Judges  i. — xxi. 

A — Preparation 

The  eagerness  of  the  Israelites  to  enter  Canaan 
from  the  south  had  been  frustrated  at  least  in  part. 
It  is  quite  probable  that  some  infiltration  had,  how¬ 
ever,  taken  place  (Nu.  xxi.  1-3;  Jgs.  i.  17).  The  fact 
that  the  Kenites  and  the  Calebites,  ancient  clans  that 
seem  to  have  long  roamed  the  borders  of  the  desert, 
occupy  so  important  a  place  in  the  history  of  Judah, 
may  be  an  indication  that  small  groups,  that  later 
attached  themselves  to  Israel,  at  an  early  date,  had 
gained  a  foothold  in  the  south  country  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
11,  15,  42;  Josh.  xiv.  14). 

Some  of  the  northern  and  eastern  tribes,  which  al¬ 
ways  were  but  loosely  connected  with  the  main  body 
of  the  nation,  may  likewise  have  had  early,  partial 
possession  of  their  own  districts.  As  children  of  con¬ 
cubines,  Dan,  Naphthali,  Gad,  and  Asher  are  related 
only  in  a  secondary  way  to  the  main  stock.  Informa¬ 
tion  from  Egyptian  sources  indicates  that  some  Israel- 
itish  groups  were  in  Palestine  before  the  time  of  the 
exodus.  The  Tel-el-Amarna  tablets  mention  a  strong 
clan  by  the  name  of  the  Bene-Abd-Ashirti — sons 
of  the  servant  of  Asher — and  a  little  later  we  learn, 
from  the  inscriptions  in  the  time  of  Seti  I,  that 

59 


60  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


there  existed  in  west  Galilee  an  important  state 
by  the  name  of  Asher.  Later  still,  in  1215  b.c.,  the 
aged  Merneptah  celebrated  his  triumph  over  the 
peoples  of  Palestine,  and  recorded  amongst  others  the 
now  famous  line,  ‘Tsrael  is  desolated,  her  seed  is  not.’’ 
The  simplest  explanation  of  these  facts  is  that  small 
tribes  which  were  more  or  less  closely  related  to  Israel 
had  penetrated  into  Palestine,  and  had  taken  root  in 
different  parts  of  the  country.  Asher  and  some  of  the 
other  concubine  tribes  may  have  been  in  the  north, 
the  Habiri — or  the  Confederates? — may  have  been  in 
the  center,  and  Kenites  may  have  penetrated  the  south. 
Even  a  group  known  as  Israel  was  in  the  land  perhaps 
a  short  time  before  the  main  exodus.  Thus  we  can 
see  how  such  early  occupation  of  kindly  disposed  clans 
would  later  facilitate  Israel’s  conquest  of  the  older 
Canaanites. 

It  is  also  probable  that  east  of  the  Jordan  was  not 
entirely  strange  to  the  kin  of  Israel.  Quite  similar 
conditions  existed  here  to  those  in  the  wilderness.  At 
various  times  wandering  herdsmen  might  seek  pastur¬ 
age  for  their  cattle  east  of  Moab  and  as  far  north  as 
Gilead.  The  Old  Testament  has  preserved  an  inter¬ 
esting  sidelight.  It  is  said  that  Reuben  and  Gad  were 
awarded  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan  because  they  had 
much  cattle  (Dt.  iii.  19;  Nu.  xxxii.  1).  This  assures 
us  that  they  had  lived  apart  from  the  main  body,  and 
had  had  the  advantage  of  good  pasturage.  What 
more  likely  than  that  at  some  early  time  these  clans 
had  wandered  over  this  territory,  and  thus  laid  claim 
to  their  later  possession.  We  have  also  the  story, 
which  is  very  hard  to  evaluate,  of  Israel’s  conflict  in 
the  east  with  Moab  and  Midian  (Nu.  xxii.-xxiv.).  It 
is  possible  that  here  we  may  find  the  echo  of  an  early 
struggle  which  extended  far  up  into  the  territory  of 
Bashan,  and  reduced  some  of  the  important  cities  to 
vassalage  to  Israel.  By  conquest  and  alliance  Israel 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN  61 

seems  at  an  early  period  to  have  gained  a  vantage 
ground  east  of  the  Jordan. 

Such  seem  to  be  the  underlying  currents  of  these 
early  days.  The  tribal  developments,  the  assimilation 
of  outside  elements,  the  frequent  change  of  clans  and 
tribes  from  one  location  to  another,  the  petty  skir¬ 
mishes  and  the  more  important  raids,  the  rise  and  fall 
of  the  dominant  elements  within  the  tribe,  all  were 
such  as  to  prevent  any  complete  chronicle,  or  even 
preserve  in  clear  outline,  the  most  significant  move¬ 
ments.  But  for  centuries  preceding  the  conquest,  as 
well  as  for  centuries  following,  the  life  of  Palestine  was 
in  flux.  Tribes  were  loosely  anchored  to  their  pos¬ 
sessions.  Life  was  a  restless  melee  of  heterogeneous 
Semitic  clans,  the  newer  and  the  older  in  constant 
conflict.  Slowly,  indeed,  did  the  flux  give  place  to 
settlement,  and  only  gradually  did  the  lines  of  organi¬ 
zation  appear. 

B — Entrance  into  Canaan 

The  nucleus  of  the  new  nation,  when  it  left  Kadesh- 
Barnea,  moved  eastward.  They  encountered  the 
Edomite,  and  had  to  avoid  his  territory  (Nu.  xx. 
14^21).  Skirting  south,  then  eastward,  they  then 
passed  north  along  the  eastern  border  of  Moab  (Nu. 
xxi.  4-9;  10-20;  xxv.  1-5).  They  came  into  con¬ 
flict  with  these,  their  nearest  kin,  and  were  long 
enough  east  of  the  Jordan,  not  only  to  clash  with  the 
Amorite,  the  Moabite,  and  perhaps  the  Midianite 
army,  but  also  to  gain  a  strong  foothold  in  the  land 
east  of  the  Jordan  (Nu.  xxii.-xxiv.). 

With  such  a  preparation  we  can  the  better  under¬ 
stand  their  entrance  into  the  promised  land.  For  a 
generation  they  had  been  skirting  the  country  and 
looking  longingly  into  its  rich  territory.  Two  expedi¬ 
tions,  one  from  the  south  and  the  other  from  the  east. 


62  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 

had  entered  the  land  and  brought  back  their  re¬ 
ports  (Nu.  xiii.-xiv. ;  Josh.  ii.  1-24).  Many  similar 
incursions  may  have  been  made.  Intercourse  then 
as  now  was  unquestionably  a  common  occurrence. 
Invasion  of  Palestine  from  the  east  was  the  constant 
course  of  history,  and  now  all  was  in  readiness. 

Israel  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan  was  eager,  and 
only  awaited  the  proper  opportunity  to  follow  the 
pathway  of  preceding  invaders.  At  length  the  climax, 
the  crystallizing  of  the  insurgent  demands,  arrived. 
The  approved  leader,  the  encouraging  report  of  the 
outrunners,  the  high  confidence  of  the  waiting  throng, 
the  essential  religious  ceremonies,  without  which  no 
people  would  undertake  any  great  endeavor,  and  a 
passable  ford  of  the  Jordan,  all  in  conjunction,  pro¬ 
claimed  the  divine  will.  The  sturdy  worshipers  of 
Yahweh,  bound  into  a  federacy  by  the  experiences  of 
the  past  and  the  hopes  of  the  present,  were  impelled 
forward  to  the  new  task,  the  entrance  into,  and  the 
conquest  of,  the  land.  The  main  features  of  the  story 
are  clear.  The  ford  opposite  Jericho  was  the  natural 
approach.  Here  a  considerable  body  of  invaders,  the 
nucleus  of  the  future  nation,  entered  the  land, 
unitedly  under  the  leadership  of  Joshua  the  Ephra- 
imite,  about  1200  b.c.  (Jg.  i.  1;  Josh,  iii.-iv.). 

The  city  of  Jericho,  a  well-walled  city,  about  five- 
eighths  of  a  mile  in  outer  circumference,  always  the 
prize  of  the  invader,  was  captured  after  a  prolonged 
siege  (Josh.  iv.~vi.).  The  narratives  give  in  vivid  color 
the  results  rather  than  the  process,  and  celebrate  the 
power  and  the  glory  of  Yahweh,  the  conquering  God 
of  Israel,  rather  than  the  prowess  of  the  soldiers,  and 
the  long,  weary  struggle  of  the  people.  Only  a  few 
stray  words  hint  at  the  severity  of  the  conflict  and 
the  valor  which  ultimately  gained  this  key  to  the  land. 
The  armed  men  were  in  the  forefront  of  the  procession, 
surely  for  obvious  reasons,  and  the  record  further  states 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


63 


‘‘the  men  of  Jericho  fought  against  you’^  (Josh.  vi.  9; 
xxiv.  11).  Then  followed  the  capture  of  the  little 
village  of  Ai,  which  required  military  strategy,  as  well 
as  a  purification  of  the  tribe  and  a  renewed  dedication 
to  Yahweh  (Josh,  vii.-viii.).  Later  days  glorified  the 
power  of  Yahweh  in  their  every  forward  step,  and 
rightly  looked  on  this  experience  as  epochal  in  their 
history. 


C — Occupation  of  Canaan 

Our  sources  for  the  settlement  of  Palestine  are  two¬ 
fold.  The  archaeologist  furnishes  us  with  little  that 
has  direct  bearing  on  the  subject.  Egypt  and  Baby¬ 
lonia  were  either  too  weak  or  too  busy  with  internal 
affairs  to  go  beyond  their  own  borders.  Excavations 
in  Palestine  have  given  us  no  inscription  for  the  period 
from  1200  to  1000  b.c.  But  the  general  social  and 
industrial  condition  of  the  country  is  amply  illustrated 
by  the  debris  and  pottery  from  ruined  cities. 

The  Old  Testament,  Joshua  and  Judges  chiefly,  is 
then  the  only  source  for  any  detail.  Joshua  is  the 
continuation  of  the  first  five  books  of  the  Old  Testa¬ 
ment.  It  has  preserved  no  writing  that  was  contem¬ 
porary  with  the  settlement.  The  stories  were  repeated 
from  generation  to  generation,  not  for  the  sake  of 
history,  but  because  of  personal  interest.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  few  names,  as  Joshua,  Rahab,  and  Achan, 
have  been  preserved.  Apart  from  these  we  meet  only 
shadow  figures,  ofiicers,  spies,  Levites,  priests,  and 
kings,  in  the  place  of  men  who  once  loved  and  hated, 
fought  and  conquered.  Hence,  any  reconstruction  of 
the  history  of  these  early  days  must  leave  wide  gaps 
and  can  treat  only  of  general  conditions  of  life  and 
growth. 

Joshua  falls  into  three  parts:  chapters  i.-xii.,  the 
conquest,  xiii.-xxi.,  the  division  of  the  land,  and 


64  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


xxii.-xxiv.,  the  settlement  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes, 
and  the  farewell  speeches  of  Joshua.  Our  chief  con¬ 
cern  is  with  i.~xii.  and  a  few  fragments  in  sections  two 
and  three.  JE.  constitute  the  larger  part  of  the  first 
section,  and,  as  they  lie  nearest  to  the  events  in  point 
of  time,  are  the  most  important  historical  sources. 
D.  adds  i.,  ii.  10,  11 ;  hi.  2-4,  5-9;  iv.  lib,  12,  14,  21-24; 
V.  1,  4-7;  ix.  1,  2,  9b,  10,  24,  25,  27b;  x.  8,  12a,  14b, 
25,  28-43;  xi.  10-23;  xii. — which  contributes  nothing 
of  historical  knowledge,  but  gives  the  Deuteronomic 
summaries  and  viewpoint.  P.  inserts  a  few  chron¬ 
ological  and  theological  notes,  iv.  13,  19;  v.  10-12; 
vii.  1;  ix.  15b,  17-21. 

The  second  division,  xiii.-xxi.,  comes  chiefly  from  P., 
and  carries  out  the  priestly  theory  of  how  the  twelve 
tribes  should  have  proceeded  to  divide  up  their  in¬ 
heritance.  In  the  third  section,  xxii.-xxiv.,  only  xxii. 
1-8  (D),  which  touches  the  settlement  of  the  two  and 
a  half  tribes,  has  an  historical  bearing. 

Judges,  in  its  present  form,  is  the  result  of  D.  using 
material  from  a  collection  of  hero-stories  that  had 
been  gathered  probably  by  JE.  Chapter  i.-ii.  5  is  part 
of  an  early  history  of  the  conquest  preserved  by  J., 
and  has  been  untouched  by  later  hands.  Chapters 
xvii.-xxi.  are  two  appendices  telling  of  the  origin  of 
the  sanctuary  at  Dan  (xvii.-xix.),  and  the  reason  for 
the  smallness  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (xx.-xxi.), 
which  likewise  belong  probably  to  the  early  book. 
Apart  from  a  few  notes  {e.g.,  xvii.  1;  xviii.  1;  xix.  1; 
xxi.  25)  these  chapters  also  have  not  suffered  from  the 
editor. 

The  body  of  the  book,  ii.  6— xvi.  31,  stands  quite  by 
itself.  The  Deuteronomic  editor  took  those  selections 
that  best  suited  his  purpose  from  the  original  JE. 
book  of  Judges,  and  put  them  into  his  chronological 
and  theological  framework.  The  chronology,  with  its 
recurrent  twenty  and  forty,  is  quite  artificial,  and 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


65 


one  wonders  if  it  should  be  used  at  all  to  determine 
dates.  The  theology  is  that  common  to  Deuteronomy 
(cf.  Dt.  xxviii.  1-68  and  Jgs.  ii.  6 — hi.  6;  iv.  1-3;  v. 
31b;  vi.  1;  viii.  27b,  28b,  etc.).  So  long  as  the  nation 
served  Yahweh  they  prospered  and  were  triumphant; 
whenever  they  sinned  the  invader  rushed  in  and  pun¬ 
ished  them.  When  they  repented,  Yahweh  sent  a 
deliverer,  and  they  had  rest  for  a  number  of  years. 
This  was  the  Deuteronomist’s  religious  interpretation 
of  history.  The  evil  must  be  punished  in  material 
things,  and  the  good  must  enjoy  temporal  blessings. 
The  writer  selected  twelve  heroes  from  this  earlier 
book  of  Judges,  and  used  them  as  illustrations  to  press 
home  his  thesis.  To  this  he  added  an  introduction 
(ii.  6 — iii.  6),  which  is  his  resume  of  the  period. 

To  follow  the  progress  of  the  settlement  is  not  with¬ 
out  difficulty.  Our  records  do  not  always  agree  in 
particulars  (cf.  Jgs.  i.  11-21  and  Josh.  x.  38-42).  But 
the  preponderating  evidence  shows  that  the  course  of 
conquest  is  divided  into  three  streams.  Judah,  accom¬ 
panied  by  Simeon,  that  is,  the  Leah  tribes,  went  into 
the  south  country,  and  in  due  time  conquered  the  chief 
hill  cities,  Hebron,  Bethlehem,  and  Debir  (Jgs.  i.  2-21 ; 
Josh.  XV.  14-19).  Here,  later,  the  Calebites,  the 
Kenites,  and  the  Jerahmeelites  joined  forces  with  them. 
(These  clans  were  independent  units  as  late  as  the  time 
of  Saul,  cf.  I  Sam.  xxvii.  10;  xxx.  14.)  The  narrative 
gives  no  suggestion  as  to  the  duration  of  the  struggle 
or  the  process  of  settlement.  It  even  fails  to  dis¬ 
tinguish  between  raids  and  conquest.  Jerusalem  may 
have  been  raided,  but  surely  was  not  captured  (cf. 
Jgs.  i.  8)  and  Gaza,  Askelon,  Ekron,  and  their  borders 
did  not  in  those  days,  in  reality,  pass  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  Philistines  (cf.  Jgs.  i.  18).  The  historical 
perspective  is  still  further  lost  when  we  turn  to  the 
Priestly  narrative  {e.g.,  Josh.  xv.  1-13).  His  boundary 
lines  are  purely  theoretical,  and  represent  the  ideal 


66  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


extent  of  Judah,  which  was  probably  never  controlled 
in  its  entirety.  The  actual  fact  is  stated  in  Judges  i. 
19,  “He  drove  out  the  inhabitants  of  the  hill-country, 
for  he  could  not  drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley 
because  they  had  chariots  of  iron.’^  Even  the  com¬ 
plete  mastery  of  the  hill-country  was  a  matter  of  dec¬ 
ades,  rather  than  days.  Armies  were  not  drawn  up  in 
modern  battle  array.  Raids,  sorties,  and  guerrilla  war¬ 
fare  were  the  approved  methods.  Tribes  camped  in 
protected  spots,  and  intermittently  carried  fire  and 
sword  into  adjacent  villages.  Many  of  the  defeated 
escaped,  only  to  return  and  wreak  vengeance  on  their 
assailants,  and  to  build  again  their  broken  houses. 
Important  cities  like  Hebron,  Bethlehem,  and  Debir 
would  not  easily  be  relinquished.  Only  after  long 
struggle  and  much  assimilation  were  such  strategic 
places  likely  to  become  the  undisputed  possessions  of 
Judah. 

The  second  stream  was  composed  of  the  Rachel 
tribes.  Whether  it  was  contemporaneous  with  that 
of  Judah  is  quite  uncertain.  Led  by  Joshua,  they 
attempted  to  gain  the  great  central  plateau  (Jgs.  i. 
22-29;  Josh.  vii. — x.  25).  Repulsed  at  Ai,  by  resort 
to  strategy  they  overthrew  the  village.  Bethel,  the 
next  place  in  line,  was  taken.  The  Gibeonites,  a 
Canaanite  tribe,  by  a  ruse,  gained  an  alliance  with 
the  conquerors.  Later,  Bethoron  was  the  scene  of  a 
decisive  battle,  fought  and  won  by  Joshua  against  a 
combined  host  of  Canaanites.  Thus,  by  victory  and 
alliance,  the  Rachel  tribes,  Joseph  and  Benjamin,  ob¬ 
tained  possession  of  their  inheritance. 

One  striking  difference  between  Ephraim  and  Judah, 
owing  to  the  contour  of  the  land,  ought  to  be  noted. 
Judah  is  a  comparatively  smooth  table-land,  easily 
guarded  because  of  the  precipitous  decline  to  the 
table-land  of  the  Shephelah.  The  highlands  of  Eph¬ 
raim  are  intersected  by  innumerable  wadies,  and  the 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


67 


slope  down  to  the  plain  is  gradual.  Raiding  here  was 
not  only  more  profitable,  but  was  much  easier  than  in 
Judah.  Decisive  victory  was  not  so  easy.  Hence,  as 
isolation  from  the  Canaanite  and  the  Philistine  was 
impossible,  assimilation  and  alliance  went  on  more 
rapidly  and  more  thoroughly  in  the  north  than  in  the 
south.  This  difference  in  the  topography  of  the  two 
countries  contributed  much  to  the  marked  divergence 
in  their  respective  economic  and  religious  histories. 

The  third  division  in  Israel  embraced  the  concubine 
clans.  They  were  on  the  outskirts  to  the  north,  and 
always  were  the  least  significant  part  of  Israel.  It 
is  only  considerably  later  than  1200  b.c.  that  we  find 
any  vital  bond  between  these  and  Joseph  and  Judah. 
An  early  fragment  tells  how  Joshua  put  four  Kings 
of  the  north  to  rout,  by  the  waters  of  Merom  (Josh, 
xi.  1-9).  But  it  is  strange  that  Joshua  the  Ephra- 
imite  should  be  so  far  from  his  own  territory,  and 
curious  that  in  Judges  iv.  we  have  again  the  story  of 
a  battle  against  King  Jabin.  It  is  also  improbable,  to 
say  the  least,  that  the  defeated  army  was  scattered  to 
Sidon  and  Mizpah.  That  there  were  conflicts  in  the 
north  in  the  early  days,  is  quite  probable,  but  it  is 
quite  likely  that  here  oral  tradition,  innocently  enough, 
has  intermingled  stories  from  different  parts  of  the 
country,  and  perhaps  even  from  different  periods. 

Two  lines  of  important  fortresses  situated  in  the 
two  valleys  running  from  east  to  west  long  remained 
in  the  hands  of  the  Canaanites,  and  split  Israel  into 
these  three  groups.  Between  Judah  and  Ephraim  lay 
the  valley  of  Aijalon,  with  the  cities  of  Gezer,  Aijalon, 
and  Bethshemesh,  which  along  with  Jerusalem,  were 
held  by  the  Canaanites.  Still  more  effectively  were 
the  northern  tribes,  Asher,  Dan,  Naphthali,  and 
Zebulun,  separated  from  their  kinsmen  by  the  valley 
of  Esdraelon  (Jgs.  i.  27-33).  The  bridging  of  these 
gulfs  belongs  to  the  period  of  the  judges. 


68  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


D — The  Settlement 

A  graphic  portrayal  of  the  struggles  and  growth  of 
Israel  during  the  process  of  settlement  is  preserved 
in  Judges  ii.  6 — xvi.  31.  This  part  of  the  book  is  a 
sermon,  but  the  illustrations  that  are  used  to  drive 
home  the  text  are  the  hero-stories  that  had  been 
handed  down  from  the  early  days.  The  arbitrariness 
of  the  chronological  scheme,  the  twenties  and  forties, 
forbids  us  to  use  it  statistically.  The  editor  may  have 
intended  to  suggest  that  the  period  extended  over  four 
hundred  years,  but  trying  to  manipulate  his  figures 
does  not  prove  satisfactory.  All  depends  on  the  point 
from  which  we  start.  Perhaps  two  hundred  years,  or 
less,  may  approximately  cover  the  period  from  the  fall 
of  Jericho  down  to  Saul.  If  we  reach  back,  and  esti¬ 
mate  the  time  from  those  days  in  which  stray  groups 
of  Hebrews  under  various  names,  as  Asher  or  Israel, 
wandered  through  the  country,  we  might  well  speak 
of  it  as  four  hundred.  But  chronology  fails  us. 

The  life  of  the  nation  is,  however,  adequately  de¬ 
scribed.  It  is  the  story  of  the  difficulties  of  settlement. 
They  met  foes  from  three  different  quarters.  The 
Canaanites  were  still  to  the  fore.  Until  these  were 
subdued,  Israel  could  have  neither  ability  nor  interest 
to  meet  others.  How  long  petty  warfare  and  assimi¬ 
lation  continued  after  the  heights  were  securely  held, 
before  the  final  crisis  came,  we  do  not  know.  As  Israel 
grew  in  numbers,  formed  alliances,  and  gained  strength, 
she  must  needs  turn  her  eyes,  for  material  resources, 
as  well  as  for  strategic  purposes,  to  the  Esdraelon  plain. 
Many  seemed  willing  to  leave  well  enough  alone,  but 
in  Israel  there  arose  a  woman  who  saw  that  national 
unity,  national  strength,  and  national  religion,  all  alike 
cried  out  for  the  possession  of  this  valley.  Deborah 
rallied  the  flagging  energies  of  the  tribes  bordering  on 
this  territory.  Barak  was  her  henchman.  Together 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


69 


they  roused  to  the  standard  six  tribes  against  Sisera, 
perhaps  a  Hittite  captain,  and  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor, 
who  held  the  valley.  The  story  of  the  victory,  so 
essential  to  the  national  future,  was  long  the  worthy 
theme  of  bard  and  fireside  story-teller.  Two  accounts, 
one  in  prose,  the  other  in  poetry,  differing  somewhat 
in  detail,  but  both  corroborating  the  essential  fact, 
have  been  preserved  (Jgs.  iv.-v.).  The  poem,  evi¬ 
dently  one  of  the  earliest  of  the  nation’s  war  songs, 
breathes  the  spirit  of  the  time.  Yahweh  is  the  war 
God  from  Sinai,  who  leads  his  people,  who  delights  in 
the  intrigues  and  the  valor  of  battle,  rather  than  in 
the  milder  ways  of  peace  or  in  the  loftier  conceptions 
of  morals.  Yet  we  know  that  military  virtues  and 
loyalties  have  ever  been  the  disciplines  that  have 
paved  the  way  for  the  higher  morals  and  religion. 

The  battle  of  Megiddo  enabled  the  northern  and 
the  middle  tribes  to  unite,  and  thus  not  only  did  they 
possess  the  wonderfully  fertile  valley,  but  the  confed¬ 
eracy  was  enlarged  and  strengthened.  Once  firmly 
established  in  the  land,  Israel  must  next  defend  her¬ 
self  from  outside  attacks.  The  same  pasture  land, 
the  same  grain  to  be  had  for  the  raiding,  which  had 
attracted  the  Hebrews,  always  lured  others  over  the 
same  Jordan  fords.  Two  invasions  from  the  east  are 
mentioned.  The  Moabites  crossed  the  Jordan,  took 
Jericho,  and  put  the  Benjamites  to  tribute  (Jgs.  iii. 
12-17).  The  prowess  of  a  single  individual,  Ehud  of 
Benjamin,  gained  freedom  from  Eglon. 

More  serious  was  the  Midianite  invasion,  up  the 
wady  Ferah,  into  the  very  heart  of  the  Ephraimite 
country  (Jgs.  vi.  1 — viii.  35).  Israelites  at  this  time 
were  turning  from  their  early  nomadic  habits  to  the 
more  substantial  but  more  arduous  life  of  agriculture. 
At  best,  bending  the  back  to  such  toil  is  difficult.  To 
the  nomad  it  was  a  transition  that  was  only  slowly  and 
painfully  made.  If  the  desert  people  should  continue 


70  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


to  raid  the  harvest  fields,  how  long  would  these  new 
farmers  pay  the  price  agriculture  demanded?  Easy 
indeed  would  it  have  been  to  have  slipped  back  into 
the  old  lazy  life  of  sitting 

.  .  .  among  the  sheepfolds 
To  hear  the  pipings  of  the  flock. 

But  such  a  spirit  would  never  have  produced  a 
nation,  a  literature,  or  a  worthy  religion.  The  man  was 
ready  for  the  hour,  a  man  whose  own  labors  were 
greatly  endangered,  and  on  whom  had  fallen  the  duty  of 
blood  revenge  (Jgs.  viii.  18-21).  Gideon  had  the  grace 
of  humility  and  the  gift  of  strategy.  Under  the  severity 
of  his  tests  the  loose  rabble  melted  away,  and  three 
hundred  men,  who  had  but  one  passion,  stood  by  him 
ready  for  the  fray.  The  raiders  already  possessed  a 
wholesome  fear,  perhaps  with  good  reason,  of  this  son 
of  Manasseh  (Jgs.  vii.  13-14).  In  the  middle  of  the 
night,  with  a  blast  of  trumpets  and  a  flare  of  torches, 
with  the  old  war  slogan,  “the  sword  of  Yahweh  and 
of  Gideon”,  Gideon  and  his  band  burst  on  the  amazed, 
terror-stricken  pillagers.  The  rout  was  complete.  The 
enemy  was  chased  out  of  the  country,  and  the  severest 
penalties  were  exacted  from  them  and  their  accom¬ 
plices.  What  a  theme  for  the  hero-worshiper,  and  how 
well  it  has  been  told  (Jgs.  vi.-vii.) ! 

The  Ammonites  likewise  disputed  the  territory  with 
Israel  (Jgs.  x.  7-11).  While  they  seem  to  have  made 
an  effort  to  gain  possession  of  the  hill  country  of  Eph¬ 
raim  and  Judah,  they  made  it  unpleasant  chiefly  for 
those  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  with  Gilead  as  their 
fortress.  Jephthah,  an  outlaw  Gileadite,  was  called 
to  the  leadership,  and  in  time  reduced  the  enemies  to 
terms  (Jgs.  xi.). 

If  the  military  prowess  of  this  young  nation  was 
tested  and  strengthened  by  constant  conflict  with 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


71 


Canaan  and  with  invaders  from  the  desert,  their 
villages  in  the  west  were  not  free  from  encroaching 
enemies.  Along  the  Mediterranean  coast,  almost  from 
Carmel  to  the  wady  El-Arish,  often  called  the  river  of 
Egypt,  extending  towards  the  low-lying  foothills  of 
Judah,  were  the  Philistines.  These  people,  of  Aryian 
origin,  coming  from  Crete  and  the  near-by  territory 
of  Asia  Minor  proper,  forced  out  of  their  homes  by  in¬ 
vaders  from  the  east  and  north,  had  made  their  way 
into  the  southwest  of  Palestine,  some  coming  by  land 
and  others  by  water,  shortly  before  1200  b.c.  While 
they  preserved  some  of  their  ancient  customs,  and  re¬ 
fused  circumcision,  they  readily  adopted  the  language 
and  many  of  the  ways  of  life  of  the  Canaanites.  With 
more  of  a  genius  for  organization  than  their  Semitic 
neighbors,  they  formed  a  strong  confederacy  of  five 
cities,  Askelon,  Ekron,  Ashdod,  Gaza,  and  Gath,  all 
situated  in  the  south. 

Both  peoples,  Judah  and  the  Philistines,  needed  to 
expand.  For  both  the  Shephelah  offered  the  natural 
outlet.  In  the  early  days,  the  Philistines,  because  of 
their  experience  in  military  affairs  and  their  freedom 
from  other  conflicts,  gained  considerable  advantage. 
Judah,  however,  possessed  the  vantage  ground.  From 
her  hills  she  could  watch  the  approach  of  the  enemy, 
ambush  her  forces,  and  circumvent  her  attacks.  At 
times  there  was  comparative  peace,  yet  the  cause  of 
conflict  always  remained,  and  at  any  moment  old 
feuds  might  flame  out  anew. 

The  story  of  Shamgar,  probably  the  name  of  a 
Hittite,  is  unconnected  with  its  present  context,  and  in 
an  exaggerated  way  commemorates  the  exploits  of 
some  individual  otherwise  unknown  (Jgs.  iii.  31). 
Samson,  though  scarcely  worthy  of  the  rank  of  judge, 
or  deliverer,  is  of  more  real  interest  (Jgs.  xiii.-xvi.). 
He  was  a  Danite,  perhaps  one  of  those  left  behind 
when  the  six  hundred  valiant  men  of  the  tribe  moved 


72  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


from  Zorah  and  Eshtaol  northward  to  find  some  more 
acceptable  possession  (Jgs.  xviii.).  He  was  the  strong 
man  of  the  countryside,  who  in  the  rivalry  of  con¬ 
tending  groups  became  the  heroic  figure  around  which 
there  easily  accumulated  numerous  tales  of  individual 
prowess.  No  doubt  for  these  there  was  a  real  basis 
in  fact,  but  the  exploits  of  Samson  do  not  seem  either 
to  have  strengthened  Judah  or  weakened  the  Philis¬ 
tines.  In  the  early  days  of  the  Kingdom  we  find  them 
still  formidable  rivals  of  Israel. 

The  picture  of  the  social  and  the  religious  life  in 
these  stories  shows  conditions  as  they  were.  The 
social  customs,  particularly  those  of  the  marriage 
celebrations,  the  eating  and  drinking,  the  songs  and 
riddles,  the  rude  contests  and  ruder  merriment,  all 
ring  true  to  life.  National  relations  are  accurately  set 
forth.  The  two  nations  were  on  sufiiciently  friendly 
terms  to  permit  of  intermarriage,  though  it  was  not 
considered  by  all  to  be  in  the  best  taste.  Race  inter¬ 
est  and  hatred  ran  deeply  enough  for  a  Philistine 
maiden  to  betray  her  lover  into  the  hands  of  her  own 
people.  Private  quarrels  such  as  these  were  likely  to 
be  of  frequent  occurrence. 

The  religious  picture  perhaps  fairly  represents  the 
average  Israelite  of  the  day.  The  moral  status  was 
not  high.  The  bonds  of  sex  morality  were  loose. 
Pagan  religious  ideas  were  prevalent.  The  vow  of 
the  Nazarite  was  a  religious  act  of  seeming  importance, 
though  Samson  observed  only  one  of  the  later  require¬ 
ments  (Nu.  vi.  1-6).  The  whole  story  has  been  re¬ 
solved  by  some  into  a  piece  of  well-wrought-out  solar 
mythology.  But  there  seems  no  adequate  basis  for 
this.  It  reads  more  like  an  early  folk-tale  that  cele¬ 
brated  these  feats  of  physical  ability,  which  always  so 
much  delight  the  child  mind.  In  its  social  and  religious 
atmosphere  it  fits  perfectly  into  the  condition  of  the 
time. 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


73 


Developments — The  book  of  Judges  also  gives  us 
a  good  view  of  the  inner  life  of  the  people.  With  the 
constant  warfare  there  was  continual  development, 
a  growing  tribal  coherence,  and  an  increasing  com¬ 
plexity  in  their  civilization.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
period  we  found  three  groups  with  very  slight  bonds 
of  sympathy.  The  tribal  sense  was  strong.  Ephraim 
was  jealous  of  Manasseh  and  of  Gilead  ( Jgs.  viii.  1 ;  xii. 
1).  Dan  had  little  consideration  for  the  clans  of 
Ephraim,  and  Benjamin  suffered  severely  at  the  hands 
of  the  other  tribes  (Jgs.  xvii.,  xviii.,  xxi.).  Judah  had 
no  call  and  apparently  no  interest  in  the  battle  of 
Megiddo.  The  old  tribal  law  of  blood  revenge  was 
the  rule  of  the  day  (Jgs.  viii.  19).  They  were  indeed 
days  of  confusion,  ‘Vhen  every  man  did  that  which 
was  right  in  his  own  eyes.’’ 

Still,  we  note  the  signs  of  growing  unity.  Deborah 
marshaled  six  tribes  to  battle,  and  thus  bridged  the 
gap  between  the  north  and  the  middle.  Gideon  united 
the  forces  of  Manasseh  and  Ephraim,  and  Jephthah 
numbered  in  his  army  men  from  west  Jordan  as  well 
as  from  Gilead.  The  movement  towards  unification 
is  also  illustrated  in  the  abortive  attempt  of  Abimelech, 
whose  mother  was  a  Canaanite,  to  hold  the  Kingship 
(Jgs.  ix.  38-39). 

Progress  had  likewise  been  made  in  their  industrial 
life.  They  entered  the  country  as  bedouin.  Sheep 
and  cattle  were  their  source  of  supply.  In  the  begin¬ 
ning  they  had  supplemented  this  with  the  grain  they 
had  taken  in  raids  (Josh.  v.  12,  P.).  Slowly,  under 
the  tutelage  of  their  neighbors,  they  had  learned  the 
processes  of  agriculture  (Jgs.  vi.  4;  xvi.  18;  xv.  1). 
Their  wealth  must  have  increased  rapidly.  The  record 
of  three  of  the  minor  judges  reflects  the  growing 
splendor  of  these  days.  Jair,  for  example,  “had  thirty 
sons  that  rode  on  thirty  ass  colts,  and  they  had  thirty 
cities”  (Jgs.  X.  4).  Along  with  the  agricultural  dis- 


74  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


cipline  came  a  more  vigorous  life,  a  greater  wealth,  a 
wider  range  of  interests,  a  greater  mental  alertness, 
and  changing  social  and  religious  customs  to  suit  the 
changed  economic  conditions. 

Bound  up  with  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  were 
Canaanitish  rites  which  were  believed  to  be  inseparable 
from  its  fertility.  All  of  these,  incantations  and 
symbolism,  springtime  and  autumn  festivals,  religious 
dances  and  sacrifices,  linked  the  farmer  to  Baal  wor¬ 
ship.  The  Hebrews  necessarily  learned  agriculture 
and  the  religious  rites  together.  But  the  rites,  even 
as  the  land,  they  appropriated  in  the  name  of  their 
God,  Yahweh.  Thus  the  Baal  altars  on  every  hillside 
throughout  the  land  were  dedicated  to  the  conquering 
God,  and  Yahweh  became  the  Baal,  that  is,  master 
of  the  land.  Loyal  Israelites  found  no  reason  why 
they  should  not  call  their  children  by  this  ancient 
Canaanitish  name  for  deity,  as  Jerubaal,  Ishbaal,  and 
Meribaal  indicate.  It  is  quite  true  that  there  were 
those,  as  the  Nazarites  and  the  Rechabites,  who  from 
early  days  were  opposed  to  this  assimilation. 

Morals  could  not  escape  the  influences  of  the  transi¬ 
tion  period.  The  new  civilization  had  many  a  pitfall 
for  the  unwary.  The  new  luxury  meant  new  revelry 
and  new  license.  The  wars  of  conquest  fed  the  fires 
of  passion  and  of  brutality.  The  changing  times  con¬ 
tributed  to  the  lawlessness  so  ^That  every  man  did  that 
which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes.’^  In  the  concluding 
chapters  of  the  book,  we  have  a  glimpse  of  the  moral 
conditions  at  their  worst  (Jgs.  xix.-xxi.).  This  is  one 
of  the  earliest  parts  of  the  book.  The  story  is  told  of 
the  shameful  abuse  of  the  Levite’s  concubine  by  the 
Benjamites  of  Gibeah.  The  new  life  with  its 
abundance  had  nurtured  the  physical  powers,  devel¬ 
oped  the  nerve  centers,  and  hence  intensified  the  sexual 
passions,  and  the  beast  within  had  broken  loose  in  a 
wild  orgy  of  lust.  But  the  narrative  has  for  us  even 


SETTLEMENT  IN  CANAAN 


75 


greater  significance  than  this.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  Levite  and  again  the  Israelites  were  enraged  at 
the  offending  city,  not  for  any  breach  of  the  moral 
law  or  for  the  violation  of  a  woman’s  honor.  That 
was  too  delicate  a  point  for  their  consciences.  But  the 
disregard  of  the  ancient  law  of  hospitality,  and  the 
violation  of  a  man’s  property  rights  in  his  concubine 
appealed  to  them  as  outrages.  In  their  anger  they 
decimated  the  Benjamites  to  whom  amends  were  made 
later. 

New  laws,  likewise,  to  meet  new  conditions  were 
either  borrowed  from  their  neighbors  or  devised  by 
their  judges  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  case. 
These  were  the  days  of  building  foundations  for  the 
national  life,  and  the  book  of  Judges  affords  us  a  very 
complete  picture  of  the  forward  movement  from  the 
simple  to  the  complex,  from  the  primitive  to  the 
civilized. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 
Saul  (? — cm.  1013  b.c.) 

I  Samuel  i. — xv. 

The  Rise  of  the  Monarchy 

Literature — In  order  to  reconstruct  the  story  of  the 
beginnings  of  the  monarchy,  we  must  go  to  I  and  II 
Samuel  for  our  materials.  Again  we  have  a  com¬ 
pilation,  and  the  fragments,  often  disconnected,  were 
written  from  different  viewpoints.  There  are  various 
duplicates  of  the  same  event  (cf.  I  Sam.  ii.  27-36  and 
iii.  11-12  or  xiii.  7-15  and  xv.  1-35  or  xxiii.  19-21  and 
xxvi.  1-3  or  I  Sam.  xvii.  and  II  Sam.  xxi.  19,  etc.),  and 
different  interpretations  of  the  same  fact  (cf.  I  Sam. 
viii.  1-22  and  ix.  1-10,  16).  Some  stories  read  like 
the  descriptions  of  eye-witnesses,  others  are  the  con¬ 
clusions  of  moralists. 

The  analysis  and  evaluation  of  the  sources  which 
have  been  carefully  worked  out  may  be  found  in  any 
good  commentary  or  Bible  dictionary.  For  our  pur¬ 
pose  it  must  suffice  to  note  that  the  oldest  documents 
used,  and  these  constitute  a  large  part  of  the  book, 
were  written  from  sometime  between  900  and  800  b.c. 
That  places  them  within  a  century  or  so  after  the 
events  described.  These,  because  of  content  and  style, 
are  easily  divided  into  five  groups,  in  which  there  are 

76 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


77 


only  occasional  annotations,  (a) — The  early  life  of 
Samuel  (I  Sam.  i.,  ii.  11-26;  hi.  1 — iv.  la;  xv.).  (h) — 
The  history  of  the  ark  (I  Sam.  iv.  lb — ^vii.  1).  (c) — 
The  history  of  Saul  (I  Sam.  ix.  1 — x.  16;  xi.,  xiii.  2-7a; 
xiii.  15b — xiv.  46).  (d) — The  early  life  of  David  (I 

Sam.  xvi.  14-23;  xvii.  1-11,  32-54;  xviii.  6-16,  20-29a; 
xix.  1 — xxi.  9;  xxii.,  xxiii.,  xxv.-xxxi.).  (e) — The  his¬ 
tory  of  David  as  king  (II  Sam.  i.-vi.,  ix.-xx.).  The 
realistic  pictures  of  these  early  stories  carry  the  con¬ 
viction  of  their  essential  accuracy. 

Later,  perhaps  during  the  exile,  the  Deuteronomic 
school,  as  with  our  previous  sources,  edited  these  early 
documents.  They  introduced  material  handed  to  them 
by  tradition,  touching  such  features  as  the  ark,  the 
kingship,  and  the  proposed  temple,  here  and  there  by 
phrase  or  paragraph,  added  their  religious  conviction, 
incorporated  general  summaries  and  other  important 
material,  and  in  a  general  way  brought  ancient  history 
up  to  date  (e.g.,  I  Sam.  ii.  1-10,  27-36;  vii.,  viii.,  x. 
17-27;  xi.  12-13;  xii.,  xiii.  7b-15a;  xiv.  47-51;  II  Sam. 
vii.,  viii.,  etc.).  The  final  arrangement  of  the  material 
was  not  always  chronological  {e.g.,  II  Sam.  xxi.-xxiv., 
most  of  the  events  of  which  belong  to  a  period  earlier 
than  those  in  II  Sam.  ix.-xx.).  While  the  boundary 
lines  of  some  of  the  original  records  and  the  contribu¬ 
tion  of  the  editors  are  often  very  well  defined,  the  whole 
presents  a  very  lifelike  picture  of  the  struggles  and 
the  progress  of  those  formative  days. 

Transition  Brought  Responsibilities — The  transition 
from  the  rule  of  the  petty  judge  to  that  of  the  king  was 
quite  natural.  The  forces  at  work  throughout  the 
period  of  the  judges  were  now  coming  to  their  own. 
Agriculture  had  become  more  general;  possession  of 
the  conquered  villages  and  their  environs  was  more 
secure ;  social  life  had  grown  richer  and  more  complex ; 
the  Canaanites  were  more  completely  assimilated ;  and 
the  tribes  more  united.  Therefore  by  virtue  of  their 


78  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


growing  civilization,  greater  responsibilities  must  be 
assumed. 

Samuel,  the  king-maker,  was  the  last  of  the  judges. 
Eli  serves  chiefly  as  a  background  for  this  more  heroic 
figure.  The  story  chronicles  a  stage  of  decided  ad¬ 
vance.  Shiloh  was  a  prominent  sanctuary.  Not  only 
were  the  feasts  celebrated  there,  but  there  the  ark 
and  its  acolyte  remained  (I  Sam.  i.  3,  9,  24;  hi.  1-9). 
Eli  of  the  house  of  Ithamar,  the  fourth  son  of  Aaron, 
was  the  priest  in  charge  of  the  sanctuary.  He  also 
combined  with  that,  as  in  the  patriarchial  days,  the 
function  of  judge.  Naturally  enough,  his  sons  were 
anxious  to  hold  these  privileges  for  themselves.  These 
youths  also  had  sufficient  initiative  to  suggest  what 
seemed  to  them  a  juster  method  of  provision  for  the 
priesthood  than  the  haphazard  custom  of  the  time 
(I  Sam.  ii.  13-17).  Such  changes,  to  say  nothing  of 
other  evils  attributed  to  them,  were  quite  distasteful 
to  the  people  at  large,  and  the  story  records  the  signs 
of  Yahweh’s  displeasure  against  them  for  their  sins 
(I.  Sam.  ii.  13-17,  22;  iv.  1-22). 

The  Philistine  Victory — At  this  time  the  Philistines 
became  a  serious  menace.  Each  group  was  expanding 
and  reaching  out  for  more  territory.  Their  armies 
finally  met  at  Aphek,  and  the  lords  of  the  Philistines 
repulsed  the  hosts  of  Israel.  The  sons  of  Eli,  who 
were  the  guardians  of  the  ark,  were  slain,  and  the  ark, 
the  symbol  of  victory,  was  carried  in  triumph  back 
to  the  cities  of  the  conquerors  (I  Sam.  iv.  1-22).  Shiloh 
was  probably  destroyed,  as  we  hear  no  more  of  it  in 
history.  Tribute  was  exacted  from  Israel,  and  much 
of  their  land  was  occupied  by  the  victors. 

These  were  sore  experiences  for  Israel.  Their  servi¬ 
tude  to  the  Philistines  was  humiliating.  Smithies  in 
which  could  be  forged  the  weapons  of  warfare  were 
prohibited  throughout  the  land  (I  Sam.  xiii,  19-20). 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


79 


Garrisons  were  situated  in  strategic  places,  as  Gibeah 
of  Benjamin,  in  the  midst  of  the  conquered  territory 
(I  Sam.  xiii.  3).  Some  of  the  Hebrews  sought  to  escape 
trouble  by  crossing  the  Jordan  (I  Sam.  xiii.  7).  Others 
scattered  northward  beyond  the  reach  of  the  enemy 
(I  Sam.  xiv.  22),  while  still  others  with  weaker  race 
prejudices  and  milder  national  hopes  threw  in  their 
lot  with  the  conquerors  (I  Sam,  xiv.  21). 

The  Kingship  and  Saul — The  need  of  the  hour  was 
a  united  people,  and  that  could  be  secured  only  through 
competent  leadership.  But  even  leadership  would  fail 
ultimately  unless  provision  were  made  for  its  perpetua¬ 
tion  by  organization.  Kingship  alone  could  save  Israel. 
This  was  the  cry  of  many  people.  Samuel,  the  seer, 
was  one  of  the  farsighted  men  of  the  time.  One  of  the 
oldest  narratives  of  the  book  has  preserved  the  story 
of  an  interview  he  had  with  Saul  which  most  likely 
helped  to  shape  public  opinion  (I  Sam.  ix.  1 — x.  16). 
The  young  Benjamite,  on  a  tour  to  round  up  the 
strayed  asses  of  his  father,  as  a  last  resort,  called  on 
Samuel  for  assistance.  The  prophet  had  more  urgent' 
business.  He,  however,  privately  interviewed  the 
young  man,  publicly  honored  him  at  the  feast,  and 
then  in  the  name  of  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel,  dedi¬ 
cated  him  to  the  exalted  task  of  the  kingship. 

Shortly  afterward  Saul  had  the  opportunity  of  prov¬ 
ing  his  ability.  The  Ammonites,  besieging  the  city  of 
Jabesh-Gilead,  demanded  capitulation  on  the  most 
atrocious  terms  (I  Sam.  xi.  1,  2).  In  despair  the  be¬ 
sieged  sent  out  a  call  for  help.  The  men  of  Gibeah, 
Benjamites,  perhaps  closely  related  to  the  Gileadites 
(cf.  Jgs.  xxi.  8-15),  were  deeply  sympathetic.  Saul, 
a  plowboy,  in  intense  indignation  aroused  the  slumber-, 
ing  ire  of  the  tribes.  Hastily  he  gathered  a  consider¬ 
able  army,  by  forced  marches  reached  the  camp  of  the 
overconfident  Ammonites,  by  strategy  attacked  them 


80  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


in  the  early  morning  from  three  sides,  and  with  great 
slaughter  drove  them  back  to  their  own  villages  (I 
Sam.  xi.  1-15). 

Were  there  already  whisperings  that  this  youth  of 
such  princely  carriage  and  such  burning  passion  would 
make  an  ideal  leader?  Had  his  previous  life  been  a 
preparation  for  a  great  venture?  Was  SamueFs  judg¬ 
ment  in  the  matter  widely  known?  However,  the  re¬ 
lief  of  Jabesh-Gilead  acclaimed  the  hero,  and  the  need 
and  the  man  of  the  hour  came  together.  In  a  solemn 
conclave,  with  the  approved  rites,  sanctioned  by 
Samuel,  the  patriot  and  prophet  of  Yahweh,  amidst 
great  rejoicing,  Saul  was  crowned  king  at  Gilgal  (I 
Sam.  xi.  14-15).  At  the  beginning  this  meant  the  alle¬ 
giance  of  perhaps  few  beyond  his  own  tribe,  Benjamin. 
It  was  only  a  development  from  the  judgeship.  Like 
his  predecessors  he  held  court  at  Ramah  (I  Sam.  xxii. 
6-7),  but  he  soon  enlarged  the  boundaries  of  his  sway 
through  the  achievements  of  his  arms. 

But  another  attitude  has  been  expressed  towards  the 
kingship.  This  comes  from  the  Deuteronomic  pen,  and 
is  the  reaction  produced  by  the  course  of  history.  None 
of  the  kings  of  either  Israel  or  Judah  were  perfect, 
many  of  them  were  sad  failures;  hence  a  group  of  re¬ 
ligious  leaders  looked  askance  at  the  whole  movement 
(I  Sam.  viii.  l-22a;  x.  17-24;  xii.  1-25;  xiii.  7-15a). 
This  antagonism  naturally  arose  quite  early.  It  is 
quite  probable  that  before  the  death  of  Samuel  there 
was  a  growing  cleavage  between  the  prophet  and  the 
king.  This  may  have  been  the  starting  point  for  that 
sentiment  that  later  matured  under  the  unfortunate 
experiences  with  many  of  the  occupants  of  the  throne. 

The  task  before  Saul  was  no  light  one.  His  im¬ 
mediate  foes,  the  Philistines,  were  in  the  very  heart 
of  the  country.  These  he  met  at  Micmash,  a  few  miles 
from  his  own  home.  The  daring  of  Jonathan,  his  son, 
broke  the  outpost  of  their  guard,  and  so  inspired  the 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


81 


Hebrews  that  they  routed  their  ancient  oppressors, 
and  drove  them  down  the  valley  of  the  Aijalon  to  their 
lowland  homes  (I  Sam.  xiii.  23— xiv.  35). 

The  reign  of  Israel’s  first  king  was  filled  with  wars 
(I  Sam.  xiii.  3;  xiv.  52;  xvii.  1).  How  long  he  reigned 
is  uncertain  (cf.  xiii.  1).  The  order  of  the  conflicts 
we  have  no  means  of  determining.  The  general  epit¬ 
ome  of  his  reign  tells  us  he  fought  and  worsted  his 
enemies  on  every  side,  Moabites,  Ammonites,  Edom¬ 
ites,  and  the  kings  of  Zobah,  and  the  Amalekites  (I 
Sam.  xiv.  47-48). 

But  he  was  not  free  from  internal  strife.  There 
were  too  many  diverse  elements  to  be  harmoniously 
reconciled  in  one  short  reign.  His  view  of  the  king¬ 
dom  and  kingly  duty  clashed  sadly  with  that  of  Samuel 
(I  Sam.  xiii.  8-15;  xv.  1-35).  In  the  country  were 
men  who  for  one  reason  or  another  questioned  the 
wisdom  of  his  election  (I  Sam.  xi.  12;  x.  27).  The 
Gibeonites  proved  to  be  such  a  thorn  in  the  side  of 
the  new  king  that  he  had  to  put  some  of  them  to 
death  (II  Sam.  xxi.  2-3). 

But  more  serious  still  was  the  alienation  of  David, 
a  youth  of  Judah.  That  there  was  some  apparent 
occasion  for  Saul’s  jealousy  may  be  suspected.  There 
is  no  question  but  David  appealed  to  the  imagination 
of  his  countrymen. 

Saul  hath  slain  his  thousands. 

And  David  his  tens  of  thousands, 

proclaimed  the  plaudits  of  the  throng.  Tribal  jeal¬ 
ousies  do  not  die  easily,  and  the  yoke  of  Benjamin  did 
not  lie  comfortably  on  the  neck  of  Judah.  Personal 
quarrels  broke  out,  and  David  was  compelled  to  leave 
the  court  and  become  an  exile.  Naturally  he  returned 
to  his  own  territory,  where  the  discontented  joined  his 
banner,  and  soon  a  considerable  bodyguard  stood  ready 


82  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 

to  obey  his  orders  (I  Sam.  xxi.-xxiv.).  He,  with  his 
little  army,  policed  parts  of  the  southland,  and  col¬ 
lected  from  those  whom  he  protected  the  necessary 
support  for  himself  and  his  men  (I  Sam.  xxv.).  By 
marriage  he  became  the  possessor  of  the  rich  lands  of 
Nabal,  the  herdsman.  Then,  deeming  it  wise  to  leave 
Judah  for  a  time,  he  subtly  courted  the  favor  of  the 
Philistines.  He  raided  the  caravans  and  the  communi¬ 
ties  of  the  south,  deceiving  Achish,  and  ingratiating 
himself  into  the  good  will  of  his  fellow  tribesmen  (I 
Sam.  xxvii.  1~12).  Saul  could  not  be  over-comfortable 
with  this  campaign  going  on  within  his  own  borders. 

However,  his  old-time  enemies  were  the  king’s  final 
undoing.  The  Philistines,  a  war-like  people,  did  not 
readily  let  slip  their  possibility  of  empire.  Perhaps 
after  many  minor  conflicts  in  which  they  were  more 
and  more  driven  from  the  Israelitish  territory,  they 
rallied  their  v/arriors  at  Mount  Gilboa  in  the  eastern 
extremity  of  Esdraelon  (I  Sam.  xxviii.  4 — ^xxxi.).  That 
the  two  armies  should  meet  here,  so  far  from  their 
respective  home  bases,  indicates  that  both  nations 
had  been  rapidly  expanding  and  organizing  their  con¬ 
trol  over  ever-increasing  territory.  Saul,  moody  and 
hesitating  because  of  his  mental  malady,  his  hosts 
weakened  by  internal  schism,  was  unable  to  lead  to 
victory.  His  army  was  scattered,  and  with  his  sons  he 
perished  on  the  field  of  battle.  Naturally,  the  Philis¬ 
tines  thus  became  the  overlords  of  the  Israelites,  and, 
while  not  interested  in  the  internal  administration  of 
the  country,  they  may  have  exacted  tribute  as  the 
spoil  that  belonged  to  the  victor. 

While  the  character  and  the  achievement  of  Saul 
did  not  appeal  to  the  imagination  of  the  editor  of  the 
books  of  Samuel,  yet  we  can  read  the  story  of  an  heroic 
struggle  amidst  grave  difficulties.  The  first  king  must 
bear  the  brunt  of  that  adverse  criticism  that  always 
falls  on  a  new  institution.  His  first  task,  that  of  unit- 


[THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


83 


ing  Israel,  a  freedom-loving  people  with  sharp  tribal 
cleavages,  was  one  that  centuries  failed  to  achieve. 
The  call  for  battle  was  constant,  and  with  the  passing 
of  the  years,  it  grew  more  difficult  to  sustain  the  army 
either  by  voluntary  or  impressed  forces.  Further,  the 
temper  of  the  man,  splendidly  capable  to  rouse  the 
whole  country  to  meet  a  great  and  pressing  emergency, 
as  at  Jabesh-Gilead  or  at  Micmash,  was  such  that  he 
could  not  patiently  carry  on  through  the  decades,  amid 
the  jealousies  and  the  discords  of  the  court,  and  the 
wavering  fortunes  of  war.  A  passionate  man,  easily 
roused  to  great  deeds  or  even  swept  away  by  the  ecsta¬ 
sies  of  the  prophetic  band,  he  suffered  those  mental 
reactions  that  were  very  depressing.  A  modern  psy¬ 
chologist  might  attribute  the  failure  of  his  later  years 
to  an  increasing  melancholia.  Tradition  said  he  failed 
because  he  made  bold  to  offer  the  sacrifice  (I  Sam.  xiii. 
14),  or  because  he  neglected  to  put  the  ancient  ban  into 
operation  in  the  case  of  Agag  (I  Sam.  xv.  28),  or  be¬ 
cause  he  visited  the  witch  of  Endor  (I  Chr.  x.  13-14), 
or  because  he  slew  the  priests  at  Nob  (Jos.  Ant.  vi. 
14.  9).  An  early  writer  summarized  it  all  when  he 
said,  ^^An  evil  spirit  from  Yahweh  troubled  him”  (I 
Sam.  xvi.  14).  Yet  with  all  his  faults  and  mistakes,  he 
laid  the  foundations  of  an  army,  widened  and  made 
more  secure  than  previously  the  boundaries  of  Israel, 
united  a  larger  number  of  tribes,  and  created  more  of 
a  national  spirit  than  had  existed  heretofore.  Apart 
from  the  work  of  Saul,  the  kingdom  of  David  would 
scarcely  have  been  possible. 

Notwithstanding  its  chaos,  this  was  a  period  of  rapid 
development.  The  farming  class  must  have  become  a 
considerable  body,  while  the  roving  nomad  was  ever 
finding  less  and  less  room  for  his  movements  (I  Sam. 
xi.  5;  xiii.  19-21).  Private  property  in  land,  in  farm 
produce,  and  in  cattle  was  a  great  stimulus  to  ambition. 
The  old  equality  was  passing,  and  a  new  caste  system 


84  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


was  developing.  Division  of  labor  was  a  growing 
necessity.  Some  men  became  landowners,  others 
of  necessity  became  servants.  Some  became  profes¬ 
sional  soldiers,  a  few  because  of  native  gifts  became 
leaders  (I  Sam.  xiv.  52).  The  small  retinue  that 
formed  the  bodyguard  of  the  king  grew  into  the  mili¬ 
tary  and  the  court  aristocracy.  All  was  in  transition. 
The  farmer  boy  became  a  king,  and  the  youthful  shep¬ 
herd  a  court  musician  and  finally  married  the  king^s 
daughter.  With  the  passing  of  the  nomadic  life  the 
tent  gave  place  to  the  house  of  sun-dried  brick,  built, 
no  doubt,  on  the  Canaanitish  model.  As  a  greater 
number  of  utensils  could  be  used,  pottery  came  into 
demand.  The  looms  plied  their  trade  faster  to  meet 
the  growing  needs  of  a  settled  population,  and  life,  on 
the  whole,  became  more  and  more  complex. 

Legislation  grew  apace  with  the  demands.  New 
cases  required  new  decisions.  Canaanitish  custom, 
particularly  in  those  things  that  pertained  to  agricul¬ 
tural  life,  would  often  help  the  Hebrew  judge  in  his 
ruling.  One  decision  made  a  precedent;  a  number 
of  precedents  established  a  custom;  and  a  custom  in 
due  time  acquired  divine  sanctions.  The  king  was  the 
new  chief- justice,  and  his  authority  was  as  wide  as  the 
boundary  of  his  kingdom,  and  as  absolute  as  his  mili¬ 
tary  strength. 

Religion,  likewise,  was  in  a  state  of  turmoil.  Old 
practices  were  still  the  order  of  the  day.  The  tera- 
phim,  the  use  of  the  Urim  and  Thummin,  oracle-giving, 
necromancy,  and  soothsaying,  still  formed  part  of  the 
normal  religious  life.  Taboos  were  considered  hn- 
portant,  and  there  was  insistence  on  the  ban.  Yet  we 
have  a  number  of  important  departures.  In  the  first 
flush  of  victory  over  the  Philistines,  Saul  laid  a  taboo 
on  the  army  (I  Sam.  xiv.  24).  Refraining  from  food 
was  for  the  purpose  of  permitting  the  divine  strength 
to  operate  in  man  unhindered  by  contact  with  any 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


85 


common  substance.  The  idea  was  quite  pagan.  Jon¬ 
athan,  not  knowing  the  curse  that  had  been  uttered 
by  his  father,  ate  a  little  honey  and  was  refreshed. 
When  his  act  became  known,  his  father  insisted  on 
carrying  out  the  curse  to  the  letter.  The  people,  how¬ 
ever,  whose  affection  for  the  young  prince  triumphed 
over  an  age-long  superstition,  rescued  Jonathan  that 
he  died  not  (I  Sam.  xiv.  24-46). 

In  the  same  chapter  we  have  the  earliest  record  of 
the  taboo  on  eating  blood  (I  Sam.  xiv.  30-34).  The 
people  in  their  hunger  gorged  themselves  with  the 
spoil,  unmindful  of  what  was  the  primitive  practice 
of  nomads,  namely,  that  the  animal  must  be  offered 
to  deity  before  its  flesh  could  be  safely  eaten.  Saul 
upbraided  them,  built  an  altar  to  Yahweh,  and  offered 
thereon  the  blood  of  each  animal  that  Yahweh  might 
have  due  recognition.  This  taboo  is  embodied  in  leg¬ 
islation  in  Deuteronomy  xii.  16,  23,  25  and  Leviticus 
xvii.  10-14. 

Progress  is  also  suggested  by  Saul’s  attitude  towards 
the  ban  (I  Sam.  xv.  20-21).  The  ban,  that  is,  the 
annihilation  of  the  enemy  and  the  destruction  of  all 
his  property,  was  the  law  of  early  tribal  life.  This 
was  often  essential  for  the  preservation  of  the  tribe, 
owing  to  the  desert  law  of  blood  revenge.  Samuel  and 
Saul  came  into  sharp  conflict  over  this  ancient  practice. 
Saul  had  a  glimpse  of  a  more  humane  ideal,  but  Samuel 
insisted  on  the  well-known  custom  that  had  all  the 
religious  sanctions  of  history.  The  prophet  won  for 
the  time  being,  and  hewed  Agag  in  pieces,  and  the  king 
was  branded  as  a  rebel  against  the  faith  of  his  fathers 
(I  Sam.  XV.  22,  23,  32,  33).  But  later  religious  leaders 
vindicated  the  principle  towards  which  Saul  seemed 
to  grope,  and  lawgiver  and  prophet  agreed  as  to  its 
worth  (Dt.  xxiv.  16;  Jer.  xxxi.  30;  Ezk.  xviii.  4). 

It  is  possible  that  the  place  of  the  ark  in  religious 
thought,  and  the  ritual  surrounding  it,  also  made  some 


86  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


gain.  It  was  well  housed.  Showbread  was  constantly 
before  it.  An  ephod,  perhaps  used  chiefly  for  obtain¬ 
ing  an  oracle,  was  part  of  the  sacred  equipment  (I  Sam. 
xxiii.  2-15;  xxx.  7-8;  xiv.  18  LXX).  To  many  the  ark 
was  equated  with  Yahweh,  and  there  were  those  who 
seem  to  have  regarded  it  as  a  fetish,  possessing  in 
itself  power  to  injure  or  to  bless  (I  Sam.  iv.  3-22;  v. 
1 — vi.  21). 

The  process  of  assimilating  Canaanitish  religious 
ideas  must  have  gone  on  very  rapidly  in  these  days. 
The  people  were  familiar  with  the  Baal  worship  that 
was  carried  on  on  every  hillside.  This  involved  animal 
sacriflces  and  various  votive  offerings,  all  performed 
with  the  appropriate  ceremonial.  Spring  and  autumn 
festivals  were  celebrated  with  great  gayety.  Not  only 
were  the  Israelites  aware  of  all  the  phases  of  this 
worship,  but  in  so  far  as  they  were  farmers  they  must 
have  participated  in  the  agricultural  and  religious  rites 
of  their  tutors.  Further,  the  ritual  of  Yahweh  worship, 
even  where  that  differed  from  Baalism,  would  most 
likely  take  on  color  from  that  of  its  long-established 
neighbor.  The  construction  of  religious  houses,  as 
those  at  Shiloh  and  at  Nob,  would  of  necessity  be 
under  Canaanitish  builders  and  ideals.  That  Canaan¬ 
itish  influence  penetrated  the  Israelitish  religious  life, 
is  assured  by  the  actual  conditions  we  find  in  later 
days. 

Prophecy — Prophecy  was  emerging  from  little- 
known  origins,  and  was  laying  the  foundations  for  later 
religious  leadership.  While  we  assume  that  in  respect 
to  prophecy  the  Hebrews  were  not  the  imitators  of 
other  nations,  we  cannot  forget  that  this  was  almost 
a  world-wide  phenomenon.  Egypt  had  her  noted 
prophet  back  as  early  as  the  nineteenth  century  b.c. 
Ipuwer  was  a  preacher  of  righteousness,  and  the  pre¬ 
dictor  of  the  coming  of  a  good  shepherd  who  would 
save  a  remnant  of  his  people,  as  definitely  as  a  Jere- 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


87 


miah,  or  an  Ezekiel  (Breasted,  “History  of  Egypt’’,  p. 

168)  (p.  5).^ 

Or  again,  in  the  Phoenician  city  of  Byblos  shortly 
after  1100  b.c.  we  have  the  record  of  a  somewhat  sim¬ 
ilar  event.  A  young  Phoenician,  who  was  an  attendant 
on  the  king,  when  suddenly  seized  with  a  divine  frenzy, 
rebuked  the  king  for  his  treatment  of  an  Egyptian 
envoy  named  Wenamon,  demanded  in  the  name  of  the 
God  that  he  should  be  summoned,  honorably  treated, 
and  dismissed.  The  king,  impressed  by  the  prophetic 
ecstasy  of  the  young  man,  gave  heed  to  his  command. 
Here  on  the  soil  of  Palestine,  a  kinsman  of  the  He¬ 
brews  uttered  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  will  of 
God,  like  a  Nathan  or  an  Elijah  (Breasted,  History 
of  Egypt,  p.  353).  The  Old  Testament  adds  the 
name  of  Balaam,  a  non-Israelite,  who  possessed  gifts 
that  were  often  found  in  early  prophecy  (Nu.  xxii. — 
xxiv.). 

In  early  Israel  some  striking  characteristics  are  seen 
in  the  prophets.  Bands  of  prophets  moved  from  place 
to  place,  and,  partly  under  the  influence  of  music  and 
dancing,  they  developed  a  type  of  religious  ecstasy  that 
is  often  found  amongst  primitive  peoples  (I  Sam.  x. 
5,  10-13;  xix.  23-24).  In  this  overflow  of  emotion 
they  believed  themselves,  and  no  one  questioned  it,  to 
be  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  God.  Saul  was  seized  by 
this  spirit,  and  God  gave  him  another  heart  (I  Sam. 
X.  9-10 ;  xi.  16).  But  nowhere  is  there  any  indication 
that  moral  results  followed  this  possession.  As  in  the 
case  of  Samson,  where  the  same  phrase  is  used,  it  may 
mean  no  more  than  the  intensifying  of  the  physical 
energies  so  that  heroic  deeds  may  be  performed.  Per¬ 
haps  the  main  function  of  these  prophets  was  to  in¬ 
spire  the  tribes  to  united,  warlike  effort  for  the  defense 
of  the  nation  and  its  God  (cf.  Jgs.  iv.,  v.). 

Samuel  was  honored  by  these  schools,  if  he  was  not 
actually  their  leader.  But  he  was  greater  than  they. 


88  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


He  was  a  seer,  according  to  the  old  term,  but  a  prophet 
according  to  the  later  estimate  (I  Sam.  ix.  9).  He 
had  achieved  no  little  reputation  in  his  own  commun¬ 
ity  as  a  clairvoyant  (I.  Sam.  ix.  5-10).  But  as  a  voice 
calling  for  unswerving  loyalty  to  Yahweh,  as  a  rebuker 
of  some  of  the  prevalent  evils  of  his  day,  and  as  a 
shaper  of  national  destiny,  he  was  a  worthy  forerunner 
of  the  later  great  writing  prophets. 

Literature  and  Art — No  extended  inquiry  need  be 
made  into  the  field  of  literature  and  art.  The  stage 
of  civilization  reached  precludes  anything  but  the  most 
primitive.  The  excavator  finds  in  the  strata  that  be¬ 
long  to  this  period  just  what  the  book  of  Samuel  pre¬ 
supposes.  The  Israelites  had  scarcely  emerged  as  yet 
from  the  period  of  the  judges,  the  period  of  confusion. 
The  practical  tasks  gave  no  time  for  leisure  or  luxury. 
The  oldest  narratives  of  the  books  of  Samuel  give  no 
hint  of  writing.  These  were  the  days  of  the  story¬ 
teller  and  the  singer.  Tales  were  carried  forward  from 
the  past  by  word  of  mouth,  and  new  tales  were  born  out 
of  history.  On  the  pilgrimages,  at  the  festivals,  and 
particularly  at  important  shrines  would  these  tales  and 
songs  be  developed  and  perpetuated.  Warlike  activi¬ 
ties  would  also  invite  the  singer  to  celebrate  the  hero 
and  the  victory.  But  the  scribe  was  not  yet  in  the 
land,  and  literature  must  have  been  scant.  A  residuum 
of  our  Old  Testament  literature  certainly  takes  color 
from  this  varied  but  primitive  life.  The  riddks  of 
Samson,  in  epigrammatic,  rhythmic  form,  certainly  be¬ 
long  to  days  such  as  these.  Jotham^s  fable,  brilliant 
and  pointed,  bears  all  the  marks  of  genuineness  (Jgs. 
ix).  The  Song  of  Deborah,  so  called  because  she  was 
the  heroine  rather  than  the  composer,  takes  its  place 
amongst  the  most  ancient  Old  Testament  literature 
(Jgs.  V.).  If  not  composed  and  sung  on  the  occasion 
of  the  battle,  then  it  celebrated  that  victory  at  no  dis¬ 
tant  date.  Further,  the  fact  that  narratives  and  songs 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONARCHY 


89 


may  have  been  handed  down  by  oral  tradition  for  a 
century  or  more  has  not  prevented  us  from  gaining  a 
very  realistic  picture  of  the  actual  historical  conditions 
of  the  period. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 
David,  1013 — 973  b.c. 

I  Samuel  xvi.  1 — I  Kings  ii.  11;  I  Chronicles  ii. 

9-16;  III.  1-9;  xi. — xxix.  30;  Ruth  iv.  18-22. 

As  in  the  case  of  the  previous  period,  here  again  we 
have  historical  material  that  gives  good  evidence  of 
coming  approximately  from  the  time  of  the  events. 
These  must  constitute  our  norm  as  they  are  self-evi¬ 
dencing.  With  the  establishment  of  the  court  at 
Jerusalem,  when  a  scribe  was  imported  from  Babylon, 
there  was  a  beginning  of  literary  activity  (cf.  II  Sam. 
XX.  25,  Sheva,  is  a  Babylonian  name).  As  there  had 
been  little  need  of  such  services  earlier,  it  is  probable 
a  native  caste  of  scribes  had  not  arisen.  Now,  the 
national  organization  with  its  established  court  and 
capital,  and  its  international  relationships  demands 
scribal  activity,  and  also  some  arrangement  for  the 
preservation  of  important  documents.  From  now  on 
we  may  expect  a  growing  literature,  much  of  which 
will  give  us  light  on  the  history. 

A— The  History  of  David 

David  was  a  true  son  of  Judah.  The  story  of  the 
origin  of  the  tribe  suggests  that  it  was  about  half 
Canaanite,  and  that  not  of  the  noblest  stock  (Gen. 
xxxviii.).  Though  not  the  oldest,  Judah  had  slowly, 

90 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


91 


through  a  long  series  of  mishaps  to  the  older  groups, 
Reuben,  Simeon,  and  Levi,  gained  the  position  of  lead¬ 
ership,  and  had  finally  absorbed  their  remnants  (cf. 
Gen.  xxxiv.,  xlix.  4;  xxxv.  22).  Its  geographic  position 
was  such  as  to  encourage  infiltration  of  desert  blood. 
Hence  often  important  foreign  elements  had  become 
incorporated  into  its  life.  Othnielites,  Kenites, 
Jerahmeelites,  and,  most  important  of  all,  Calebites,  at 
various  times,  perhaps  some  of  them  as  late  as  the  time 
of  David,  had  joined  their  fortunes  with  those  of  the 
clans  of  the  hill-country  (Gen.  xxxvi.  16-42;  Jgs.  i.  16; 
I  Sam.  xxvii.  10;  xxx.  14). 

Like  his  tribe  David  was  of  mixed  blood.  Added  to 
the  Canaanite  strain,  the  genealogist  records  a  strong 
dash  of  Moabite  in  his  ancestry  (Ruth  iv.  18-22). 
Whatever  the  reason,  this  union  of  different  races,  the 
superior  advantages  of  his  Bethlehemite  home,  or  a 
possible  early  association  with  Samuel  and  the  school 
of  the  prophets,  we  find  in  David  those  excellencies 
that  easily  made  him  a  leader,  and  gave  him  a  name 
with  which  after-generations  did  not  fail  to  conjure. 

We  have  three  different  accounts  of  his  entry  into 
public  life  (I  Sam.  xvi.  1-3;  xvi.  14-23;  xvii:  1-58). 
The  first  is  an  account  of  his  anointing  by  Samuel; 
the  second,  his  appointment  as  musician  to  Saul;  and 
the  third,  his  combat  with  Goliath.  To  reconstruct  in 
chronological  order  the  course  of  his  early  history, 
from  these  documents,  is  neither  possible  nor  neces¬ 
sary. 

At  the  court  he  soon  became  a  favorite  with  the 
crowd,  the  blood-brother  of  Jonathan,  the  husband 
of  the  king’s  daughter,  and  the  armor  bearer  of 
Saul  (I  Sam.  xviii.  2-4,  7,  16,  17;  xvi.  21).  Such  popu¬ 
larity  could  not  long  remain  undisturbed  in  the  pres¬ 
ence  of  the  moody  king.  Admiration  turned  to  jeal¬ 
ousy,  which  in  turn  gave  way  to  hatred,  and  the  life 
of  the  young  prince  was  in  constant  jeopardy.  David, 


92  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


loath  to  leave  friends  and  court  behind,’  remained  till 
fully  convinced  that  there  was  no  hope  of  reconciliation 
with  the  passionate  monarch  (I  Sam.  xx.  1-11,  42). 

As  an  outlaw  he  was  pursued  by  Saul  from  one 
hiding-place  to  another.  From  Nob  he  went  to  Gath 
of  the  Philistines  (I  Sam.  xxi.  1-14).  Recognized 
here  as  a  hero  of  Judah,  he  feigned  madness,  and  es¬ 
caped  to  the  cave  of  Adullam  (I  Sam.  xxii.  1).  Dis¬ 
contented  fellows  and  outlaws  from  all  quarters  gath¬ 
ered  here,  and  made  him  their  captain  (I  Sam.  xxii.  2). 
Sending  his  parents  across  to  Moab  for  protection,  he 
then  transferred  his  headquarters  to  the  woods  of 
Hereth  (I  Sam.  xxii.  3-5).  Learning  that  the  Philis¬ 
tines  were  besieging  Keilah,  he  hurried  to  the  rescue 
of  the  city,  repulsed  the  enemy,  and  for  a  time  made 
the  delivered  city  his  headquarters  (I  Sam.  xxiii.  1-6). 
But  Saul’s  army  was  on  his  heels,  and  he  had  to  flee 
to  the  wilderness  of  the  south  (I  Sam.  xxiii.  7-14). 
From  place  to  place  he  was  pursued.  On  one  occasion 
he  generously  spared  the  life  of  the  king  who  had  fallen 
into  his  hands  (I  Sam.  xxvi.  1-25;  cf.  xxiv.  1-22).  On 
another^  apparently  during  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  he 
greatly  strengthened  his  fortunes  by  marrying  Abi¬ 
gail,  the  widow  of  Nabal,  the  rich  sheep-owner  of 
Carmel  in  the  Maon  desert,  south  of  Hebron  (I  Sam. 
XXV.  2-42).  But  Saul  could  not  abide  the  man  who 
turned  every  opportunity  to  his  own  advantage,  and 
renewing  his  pursuit,  drove  him  out  of  the  borders  of 
the  country.  Ziklag,  a  little  Philistine  village,  then,  by 
the  grace  of  Achish,  king  of  Gath,  became  the  head¬ 
quarters  of  David  and  his  growing  army  for  over  a 
year  (I  Sam.  xxvii.  1-7).  While  here  he  cultivated 
the  friendship  of  the  Philistine  king,  and  supported 
his  men  by  raiding  the  tribes  of  the  south  in  the 
wilderness  of  Shur  (I  Sam.  xxvii.  8-12).  When  the 
Philistine  confederacy  joined  battle  with  Saul  at  Gil- 
boa,  David  was  prevented  from  fighting  in  their  ranks, 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


93 


owing  to  the  quite  justifiable  suspicion  of  his  sincerity 
(I  Sam.  xxix.).  When,  thus  thrust  out  of  the  Philis¬ 
tine  army,  he  returned  to  Ziklag,  he  found  the  city 
burned  and  pillaged  by  his  ancient  enemies  the  Amale- 
kites.  Hastily  he  followed  the  raiders,  and  completely 
defeated  them  (I  Sam.  xxx.).  Always  mindful  of  his 
own  tribe,  and  perhaps  with  his  eye  to  the  future,  he 
immediately  sent  his  portion  of  the  spoil  to  the  elders 
of  Judah  and  to  those  places  that  he  and  his  men  were 
wont  to  haunt  (I  Sam.  xxx.  26-31). 

With  Saul  and  Jonathan  dead,  the  remaining  leaders 
of  the  house  of  Saul  hiding  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  the 
army  of  Israel  scattered,  David  was  the  one  person 
to  whom  leadership  belonged.  He  had  proved  himself 
on  the  field  of  battle  and  in  the  court,  and  now  had  a 
considerable  army  at  his  back.  In  a  remarkable  way 
he  gained  the  good  will  of  all  classes.  Through  one 
of  his  wives  he  held  important  estates  in  the  Calebite 
district  of  Hebron,  and  through  another  he  was  the 
son-in-law  of  the  late  king.  He  was  no  doubt  the 
favorite  son  of  his  own  tribe  which  had  been  constantly 
growing  in  importance.  He  had  the  support  of  the 
most  important  prophet  of  the  day,  and  most  likely 
this  meant  that  the  schools  of  the  prophets  were  also 
with  him.  Even  his  relationship  with  the  Philistines, 
who  were  now  the  masters  of  the  land,  could  be  made 
to  favor  his  cause. 

Shortly  after  SauFs  defeat,  having  paved  his  way 
by  his  gifts,  he  marched  to  Hebron.  Here,  in  this 
ancient  religious  center,  the  largest  city  of  the  south, 
he  was  proclaimed  king  (II  Sam.  ii.  1-4).  Judah  alone 
acknowledged  his  sovereignty  at  first.  The  house  of 
Saul  under  Ishbosheth,  Saul’s  fourth  son,  asserted  its 
claim  and  set  up  its  rule  in  Gilead.  This  weak  king, 
crowned  in  Mahanaim,  held  nominal  sway  over  the 
Gilead,  Ephraim,  Benjamin,  Asher,  and  Jezreel,  for  a 
period  of  two  years  (II  Sam.  ii.  8 — iv.  12),  while 


94  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Abner,  the  captain  of  the  army,  was  the  real  director 
of  affairs. 

But  the  ambition  and  the  strength  of  David  al¬ 
lowed  no  place  for  a  divided  Israel  (II  Sam.  ii.  8 — 
iv.  12).  In  fact,  the  leaders  of  each  group  were  anxious 
for  complete  conquest.  Abner  led  the  hosts  of  Saul, 
and  Joab,  the  sturdy,  headstrong  nephew  of  David, 
marshaled  the  ranks  of  Judah.  The  contestants  met  in 
Gibeon,  halfway  between  their  respective  capitals.  A 
drawn  battle  was  the  result.  But  Abner  soon  tired  of 
being  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  a  weakling,  and 
aimed  at  gaining  the  supreme  power.  His  first  move 
was  to  take  the  concubine  of  the  dead  king  for  him¬ 
self.  Ishbosheth  challenged  the  right  of  his  first  ofl&cer 
thus  to  assume  the  privileges  and  the  inheritance  of  the 
former  monarch.  Abner  hotly  resented  any  inter¬ 
ference,  and  pledged  himself  to  transfer  the  whole 
kingdom  to  the  house  of  Judah.  After  having  con¬ 
cluded  negotiations  with  David,  this  last  considerable 
pillar  in  the  house  of  Saul  was  treacherously  slain  by 
Joab.  Shortly  afterwards,  his  royal  master  was  mur¬ 
dered  by  two  of  his  captains. 

Our  documents  do  not  fill  in  the  complete  story. 
Civil  warfare  continued  for  a  period  of  seven  and  a 
half  years.  The  house  of  Saul  grew  weaker  and 
weaker,  while  the  house  of  David  rapidly  grew 
stronger.  What  skirmishes  and  raids  occurred  we  are 
not  told.  Gradually,  most  likely  individually  rather 
than  in  concerted  move,  one  after  another  of  the  tribes 
of  Israel  offered  their  allegiance  to  the  ruler  in  Hebron 
(II  Sam.  V.  3).  Finally  all  Israel  was  brought  into  a 
closer  national  bond  under  David  than  it  had  hitherto 
attained. 

Military  Tasks — The  new  king  of  united  Israel  had 
before  him  three  serious  military  tasks.  The  first  was 
the  reduction  of  the  Jebusite  fortress,  which  separated 
Judah  from  Benjamin  and  Ephraim,  and  thus  made  it 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


95 


exceedingly  difl&cult  to  hold  the  two  parts  of  the  coun¬ 
try  together  as  a  political  whole.  The  city  was  deemed 
impregnable,  and  hence  the  task  was  considered  well- 
nigh  impossible.  Nevertheless,  he  easily  captured  it, 
increased  its  fortifications,  and  wisely,  because  of  its 
strategic  position  as  well  as  its  neutrality  in  earlier 
Hebrew  history,  made  it  his  capital  city  (II  Sam.  v. 
6-10). 

The  second  task  was  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the 
Philistines.  As  conquerers  they  no  doubt  had  de¬ 
manded  the  usual  tribute.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
both  Ishbosheth  and  David  made  some  contribution 
to  their  treasury  during  the  early  years.  Beyond  that, 
the  overlords  would  take  little  interest  in  the  affairs  of 
the  country.  But  national  prosperity  could  never  com© 
to  a  subject  people.  It  is  possible  that  David  made 
some  move  to  shake  oft  this  foreign  yoke.  The  Philis¬ 
tines  seem  to  have  thought  all  was  not  going  well  for 
their  personal  interest,  for  they  brought  their  army  up 
the  valley  of  Rephaim,  which  runs  almost  up  to  Jeru¬ 
salem.  Here  in  two  battles,  by  the  use  of  strategy, 
Israel  crushed  the  army  of  the  uncircumcised,  so  that 
they  were  never  again  a  menace  to  their  neighbors  (II 
Sam.  V.  17-25). 

The  third  duty  was  that  of  establishing  the  borders 
of  the  land,  and  consolidating  the  various  tribal  ele¬ 
ments.  Moab,  Edom,  Ammon,  Zobah,  and  Syria,  as 
well  as  the  Philistines,  each  in  turn  felt  the  ruthless 
power  of  his  army  and  submitted  to  his  tribute  (II 
Sam.  viii.  2-8;  xxi.  15-22).  Yahweh  gave  to  David 
the  victory  whithersoever  he  turned.  Garrisons  were 
placed  in  the  outskirts  of  Syria  and  Edom,  and  the 
kingdoms  of  Hamath  and  Tyre  gladly  formed  alliances 
with  this  vigorous,  youthful  nation. 

Great  indeed  were  the  achievements  of  the  king,  but 
inevitably  there  was  the  backwash  from  the  tide.  This 
was  felt  most  severely  in  the  later  years  of  his  reign. 


96  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


His  troubles  were  partly  tribal,  partly  domestic.  Absa¬ 
lom’s  rebellion  was  of  all,  the  most  trying  (II  Sam. 
xiii.-xviii.).  The  lax  hand  of  the  loving  father,  notice¬ 
able  in  all  his  family  relations,  was  accessory  through¬ 
out  all  the  revolt.  The  young  traitor,  by  flattery,  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  starting  the  insurrection  in  Hebron,  which 
could  scarcely  forget  that  David  had  removed  the 
court  from  their  city  to  Jerusalem.  He  then  pushed  on 
hastily  to  the  capital.  The  king,  with  his  private  body¬ 
guard  of  six  hundred,  and  a  number  of  his  servants, 
fled  from  the  palace  across  the  Jordan  to  Mahanaim. 
The  two  armies  finally  joined  battle  in  the  forest  of 
Ephraim,  and  what  might  have  been  the  end,  but  for 
the  disobedience  of  Joab,  is  hard  to  say.  Absalom  the 
handsome,  subtle,  and  treacherous  prince,  contrary  to 
the  command  of  the  king,  was  slain  by  the  less  lenient, 
but  perhaps  wiser  captain  of  the  army. 

In  passing,  we  have  the  story  of  Shimei’s  ineffective 
but  most  malign  attack  on  the  weary  king  as  he  fled 
to  the  desert  for  safety  (II  Sam.  xvi.  5-8).  It  is  a 
commentary  on  the  smoldering  resentment  that  still 
burned  in  the  heart  of  Benjamin  against  the  tribe 
that  had  gained  the  chief  seat  in  the  hegemony  (II 
Sam.  xvi.  9-14;  xix.  16-23). 

The  attitude  of  the  other  tribes,  particularly  that  of 
Ephraim,  was  likewise  hostile.  When  David  was  re¬ 
stored  to  Jerusalem,  a  deputation  from  the  east  of  the 
Jordan,  and  presumably  from  the  highlands  of 
Ephraim,  went  with  him,  and  at  Gilgal  laid  complaint 
against  Judah.  They  charged  the  southern  tribe  with 
assuming  undue  prestige  in  national  affairs,  but  ^The 
words  of  the  men  of  Judah  were  fiercer  than  the  words 
of  the  men  of  Israel”  (II  Sam.  xix.  40-43). 

Sheba,  another  Benjamite,  deemed  the  time  ripe  for 
a  general  uprising.  There  seemed  to  be  disaffection 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  north  country.  He  made 
an  effort  to  crystallize  this  into  active  rebellion,  and 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


97 


to  that  end  marched  through  the  country  northward. 
He  was  followed  by  the  army  of  Judah,  led  first  by 
Amasa,  then  by  Joab,  and  was  sieged  in  the  far  north 
in  Abel-beth-Maacah.  Rather  than  suffer  the  conse¬ 
quences  of  resistance,  the  inhabitants  handed  his  head 
over  to  Joab,  and  the  rebellion  was  quelled  (II  Sam.  xx. 
1,  2,  4-22). 

The  final  dissension  was  upon  the  question  of  the 
succession.  Adonijah,  the  oldest  living  son,  and  Solo¬ 
mon,  son  of  the  favorite  Bathsheba,  were  the  claimants 
(I  Kgs.  i.  1-53).  Joab,  the  general  of  the  army,  and 
Abiathar,  the  priest,  allied  themselves  on  the  side  of 
the  firstborn  and  the  law  of  hereditary  rights.  Beniah, 
a  leader  in  the  army,  Zadok,  the  priest,  and  Nathan, 
the  prophet,  ranged  themselves  along  with  Bathsheba, 
and  appealed  to  the  king  to  appoint  his  own  successor. 
David,  thus  urged  by  a  court  faction,  perhaps  following 
his  own  personal  inclinations,  proclaimed  the  younger 
son  king.  Thus  the  mantle  fell  on  Solomon,  and  in 
due  time  he  became  the  inheritor  of  the  territorial 
boundaries,  the  tribal  aggregations,  the  autocratic 
military  organization,  the  economic  wealth,  the  ritual¬ 
istic  aspirations,  as  well  as  the  remnants  of  the  domes¬ 
tic  and  tribal  feuds  of  his  father. 

The  real  greatness  of  David  is  hard  to  estimate.  A 
warrior  of  great  personal  prowess,  he  was  also  a  leader 
of  amazing  resourcefulness.  He,  who  as  an  outlaw 
controlled  six  hundred  reckless  fellows,  and  gained 
a  Philistine  chief  as  a  protector  and  patron,  and  as 
king  kept  in  check  the  turbulent  spirit  of  Joab,  may 
well  command  the  respect  of  after-generations.  He 
had  sagacity  as  well  as  strength.  The  campaigns 
planned  and  carried  through  successfully,  the  caravan 
lines  commanded,  and  the  garrisons  established,  the 
capital  selected,  and  the  cabinet  organized,  all  indi¬ 
cate  the  statesman  with  a  broad  outlook. 

The  charm  and  the  gentleness  of  the  truly  great 


98  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


were  his.  At  the  court  or  in  the  camp,  at  home  or 
abroad,  he  behaved  himself  wisely.  He  refused  to  be 
in  any  way  party  to  the  death  of  Saul  or  the  murder 
of  Abner  or  Ishbaal.  His  kindness  to  the  lame  Mephib- 
osheth,  and  his  lament  for  the  fallen  great  no  doubt 
won  for  him  the  hearts  of  many  of  his  opponents.  He 
was  religious  as  religion  was  understood  by  his  peo¬ 
ple.  He  sought  to  make  the  best  possible  provision 
for  the  care  of  the  ark,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the 
religious  processions,  he  provided  and  offered  the 
sacrifices  as  required  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
day,  he  was  a  friend  of  priest  and  prophet,  and  was 
loyal  to  Yahweh  according  to  the  light  he  had.  It  is 
no  wonder  that  his  opponents  said  he  was  ^^as  an  angel 
of  God”  (II  Sam.  xix.  27),  that  his  friends  said  he 
was  worth  ten  thousand  of  them  (II  Sam.  xviii.  3),  and 
that  tradition  reported  that  ^Vhatever  the  king  did 
pleased  all  the  people”  (II  Sam.  iii.  36). 

B — Internal  Conditions 

The  internal  conditions  of  the  country  were  no  less 
significant  than  the  feuds  and  battles.  Continuous 
military  victories,  such  as  those  of  David,  which  were 
in  turn  built  up  on  those  of  Saul,  could  not  be  achieved 
apart  from  very  definite  internal  changes  that  must 
have  affected  the  life  of  the  people.  All  this  necessi¬ 
tated  organization,  and  that  must  of  necessity  be  of  a 
military  type.  Under  David,  the  military  machine 
was  perfected,  and  dominated  every  activity  of  na¬ 
tional  life.  Central  authority  over  all  Israel  now  be¬ 
came  a  very  real  fact.  The  king  was  the  head  of  the 
army.  Joab,  the  general,  was  his  appointee,  responsi¬ 
ble  only  to  him.  A  bodyguard  of  six  hundred  men, 
mercenary  soldiers  apparently,  had  long  been  attached 
to  the  king’s  person  (II  Sam.  xv.  18;  I  Kgs.  i.  8,  10, 
38).  This  was  the  nucleus  of  a  standing  army  that 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


99 


was  ready  at  his  beck  and  call.  He  had  at  least  one 
hundred  chariots,  which  he  had  captured  in  war,  to 
grace  his  service  (II  Sam.  viii.  4).  That  ample  and 
regular  support  for  the  army  and  court  was  arranged 
for,  is  attested  by  the  census  (II  Sam.  xxiv.  1-9). 
Detailed  duties  were  definitely  assigned  to  different 
divisions  and  groups  of  the  army  (II  Sam.  xxiii.  13- 
38;  xviii.  1). 

Further,  in  the  government  of  the  country,  the  king 
was  absolute.  Assisted  by  petty  judges  throughout 
the  land,  he  himself  was  the  supreme  judge.  Before 
he  came  to  the  throne,  when  a  dispute  about  the  di¬ 
vision  of  the  spoil  arose,  he  settled  it,  and  “it  became 
a  statute  and  an  ordinance  for  Israel  unto  this  day’’ 
(I  Sam.  XXX.  24-25;  cf.  Nu.  xxxi.  25).  On  more  than 
one  occasion  he  placed  himself  on  record  as  opposed 
to  old  customs,  and  set  in  motion  the  current  towards 
juster  principles  of  action  (cf.  II  Sam.  xiv.  4,  11;  iii. 
31,  32).  Not  only  was  he  judge,  but  he  was  the  chief 
executive,  and  the  army  was  his  executive  force.  He 
handed  over  the  seven  sons  of  the  house  of  Saul  to 
the  Gibeonites  for  their  vengeance  (II  Sam.  xxi.  1-9). 
As  need  arose  he  executed,  or  authorized,  what  he  be¬ 
lieved  to  be  justice  (II  Sam.  viii.  15).  As  the  abso¬ 
lute  monarch,  his  power  was  limited  only  by  the 
strength  of  his  army. 

Absolute,  military  monarch  that  he  was,  the  state 
was  growing  so  rapidly,  and  there  were  so  many  in¬ 
terests  other  than  directly  military,  that  it  was  neces¬ 
sary  for  him  to  departmentalize  the  complex  activities 
of  his  kingdom.  To  care  for  these  needs,  he  appointed, 
as  overseers,  no  doubt  gradually  as  the  demand  arose, 
men  who  had  proved  their  fitness  for  such  tasks,  and 
these  became  his  private  council  or  king’s  cabinet  (II 
Sam.  viii.  15-18;  xx.  23-26).  The  functions  of  these 
new  dignitaries  of  state  are  instructive,  and  they 
mirror  the  new  range  of  national  development.  The 


100  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


captain  or  captains  of  the  army  stand  first,  and  no 
doubt  were  of  first ‘importance.  Then  are  mentioned 
a  superintendent  of  taskwork,  a  chronicler,  a  secre¬ 
tary,  and  a  number  of  priests.  Three  of  these  offices 
were  new,  the  superintendent  of  taskwork,  the  chron¬ 
icler  or  the  keeper  of  the  archives,  and  the  secretary 
of  state.  The  offices  are  all  self-interpretative  and 
are  signs  of  the  times.  The  fact  that  the  name  of 
the  scribe  Sheva  is  Babylonian,  throws  light  on  the 
lack  of  literary  attainment  in  Israel  that  fits  in  per¬ 
fectly  with  the  well-known  cultural  conditions  of  the 
time.  This  cabinet,  all  appointees  of  the  king,  were 
responsible  to  him  and  him  only. 

However,  not  only  were  ‘the  conquests  and  the  or¬ 
ganization  military  in  their  nature,  but  the  whole  life 
of  the  nation  was  of  necessity  dominated  by  the  same 
spirit.  The  growth  of  economic  resources,  amazing  in 
its  development,  was  due  to  the  triumphs  of  the  bat¬ 
tlefield.  The  army  raided  the  border  territories  and 
that  of  revolting  tribes,  and  reveled  in  the  plunder 
(II  Sam.  iii.  22).  The  great  trade  routes  through  and 
round  the  country  from  north  arid  south  and  from 
east  and  west  with  their  rich  traffic  were  all  controlled 
by  the  army  of  David.  Thus  did  the  commerce  of  the 
neighbors  pay  tribute  to  Israel. 

Hand  in  hand  with  conquest  moved  the  industrial 
activity.  The  building  trades  flourished.  Garrisons 
were  established  at  the  outposts,  and  palaces  were 
built  in  Jerusalem.  Other  industries  must  have  kept 
pace  with  the  procession.  Foreign  architects  and  mas¬ 
ter  builders  were  required.  Material  from  foreign 
markets  was  needed  for  construction.  Workmen  from 
neighboring  countries  found  employment  in  the  grow¬ 
ing  Israelitish  cities.  There  was  need  of  a  more 
efficient  ordering  of  the  man  strength  of  the  nation. 
The  poorer  Canaanites,  as  well  as  some  of  the  He¬ 
brews,  were  pressed  into  taskwork  and  became  virtually 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


101 


the  slaves  of  the  king.  Some  provision  for  the  court 
retinue,  other  than  that  which  was  derived  from  plun¬ 
der,  from  the  king’s  lands,  and  from  caravan  tolls,  seems 
to  have  been  necessary  as  the  country  became  more 
settled,  and  the  retinue  necessarily  increased.  Black¬ 
mail  on  a  small  scale  was  no  'novelty  (I  Sam.  xxv. 
2-8).  Taxation,  or  a  regular  levy  on  the  whole  coun¬ 
try,  in  a  regular  and  well  ordered  fashion  by  a  central 
authority  was  an  innovation.  A  movement  to  effect 
this  seems  to  have  been  behind  the  census  taken  by 
David  (II  Sam.  xxiv.).  To  any  such  movement 
there  must  have  been  serious  dissent.  Any  disaster 
occurring  in  the  immediately  succeeding  years,  could, 
to  a  religious  mind,  bear  only  one  interpretation.  The 
combined  evidence  of  all  our  witnesses  shows  us  a 
rapidly  increasing  population,  a  developing  industry, 
a  great  growth  of  wealth,  with  a  corresponding  organi¬ 
zation  of  the  material  resources  of  the  country. 

'With  such  a  social ‘conglomerate,  having  no  knowl¬ 
edge  of  the  primary  laws  of  sanitation,  it  would  be  a 
surprise  if  physical  disaster  could  long  be  escaped. 
Palestine,  though  comparatively  free  from  great  epi¬ 
demics,  as  it  is  open  to  the  cleansing  influences  of 
both  the  desert  and  the  sea  breezes,  and  has  never 
been  able  to  sustain  a  very  congested  population,  has, 
nevertheless,  periodically  been  subjected  to  pestilence. 
We  are  then  prepared  to  learn  that  plague,  that  ever 
dogs  the  heels  of  war  and  seldom  is  absent  from  the 
thronging  metropolis,  found  in  this  new  and  motley 
multitude  a  fertile  seed-bed.  One  such  plague  is  re¬ 
ported  to  have  swept  the  country  from  north  to  south, 
decimating  its  inhabitants.  The  tradition,  with  good 
religious  intent,  made  it  directly  consequent  on  the 
new  reorganization  of  the  country  which  is  indicated 
in  the  census  (II  Sam.  xxiv.  15-16;  cf.  I  Sam.  vi.  19). 

Another  equally  serious  danger  lay  before  this 
rapidly  increasing  population.  With  poor  methods 


102  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  cultivation  and  no  irrigation,  all  production  de¬ 
pended  on  the  ^Tormer’^  and  the  ^‘latter”  rains.  Hence, 
famine  was  no  unusual  occurrence.  Now,  with  the 
influx  of  workmen,  the  danger  was  doubly  serious. 
Once,  at  least,  the  people  were  faced  with  starvation, 
and  the  leaders  were  driven  to  despair  to  cope  with 
the  situation  (II  Sam.  xxi.  1;  cf.  xxiv.  3). 

Socially  we  are  now  at  the  opening  of  a  new  chapter 
for  the  Israelites.  Inside  of  a  generation  the  whole 
complexion  of  society  must  have  been  revolutionized. 
Jerusalem,  a  Hebrew  city  for  less  than  a  generation, 
had  become  a  world-emporium.  It  lay  on  the  high¬ 
way  from  Egypt  to  Assyria,  and  sustained  close  diplo¬ 
matic  relations  with  Tyre  and  Hamath.  It  was  the 
center  from  which  affairs  from  Dan  to  Beersheba,  or 
perhaps  better  from  Damascus  to  Elath,  were  di¬ 
rected.  In  dress  and  speech,  in  customs  and  peoples, 
it  was  now  an  epitome  of  the  Oriental  world.  A  new 
social  milieu  had  arisen  almost  overnight.  Here  lived 
the  king,  and  in  the  palaces  were  his  favorite  wives. 
The  cabinet  ministers  and  their  families  had  their 
residences  in  the  city.  Diplomats  from  foreign  courts 
were  a  common  sight  in  the  streets.  Master  merchants 
from  great  centers  of  commerce  were  in  the  city 
bazaars.  A  motley  throng,  master  and  slave,  native- 
born  and  foreigner,  rich  and  poor,  grave  and  gay,  all 
were  there.  In  all  this  complexity  the  warrior  king 
was  the  first  figure,  and  his  military  officers  were  his 
chief  courtiers.  Whatever  court  functions  there  were, 
the  rattle  of  the  sword  and  the  tale  of  bloody  deeds 
had  place  along  with  the  ^^singing  men  and  women’^ 
(II  Sam.  xix.  35).  Important  as  industry  and  the 
working  man  and  his  master  were,  even  more  impor¬ 
tant  were  the  soldier  and  his  captain.  They  were  the 
pillars  of  state,  and  gave  the  norm  to  society. 

The  few  glimpses  the  records  give  of  the  ethical 
customs  are  rather  indefinite  and  inadequate.  Even 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


103 


here  the  king  occupies  the  center  of  the  stage,  and 
military  ethics  are  the  order  of  the  day.  No  doubt 
he  was  in  this  respect,  as  well  as  in  others,  the  repre¬ 
sentative  of  the  people  and  of  the  age.  If  he  was  not 
the  best,  he  surely  was  not  the  worst,  and  he  would 
seem  to  have  been  far  more  noble  than  the  average. 
His  sins,  like  his  virtues,  were  those  of  a  transition 
period  under  military  rule.  He  was  a  man  of  blood. 
The  barbarities  he  ordered  cannot  be  condoned  by  a 
later  day  (II  Sam.  viii.  2,  4;  xii.  31).  Yet  when  we 
consider  the  brutalities  that  his  neighbors  practiced, 
he  was  eminently  humane.  Joab  repeatedly  shows 
more  blood-lust  than  his  uncle.  The  military  life  ren¬ 
dered  the  soldiery  callous,  and  no  doubt  shocking  deeds 
were  of  daily  occurrence.  Absalom  patiently  sought 
the  life  of  his  brother,  and  for  years  planned  the  over¬ 
throw  of  his  father.  Joab  never  let  the  life  of  a  kins¬ 
man  stand  between  himself  and  the  object  of  his 
desire.  A  complete  tale  of  the  feuds  and  assassina¬ 
tions  of  these  years  would  be  a  grim  reflection  on  the 
price  of  national  progress. 

Sexual  immorality  was  the  second  great  sin  of  the 
age.  In  this  also  David  was  not  guiltless.  He  was 
the  first  to  introduce  the  Oriental  harem  into  Israel, 
and  he  was  not  careful  how  he  obtained  his  wives. 
Before  he  came  to  the  throne  he  had  at  least  three, 
and  before  he  arrived  in  Jerusalem,  six  (II  Sam.  hi. 
2-5).  Later  many  were  added  as  the  result  of  inter¬ 
national  alliances  and  personal  desire  (II  Sam.  v. 
13-16).  The  number  of  his  concubines  is  not  stated, 
though  ten  were  left  behind  when  he  fled  from  Jerusa¬ 
lem  (II  Sam.  XV.  16).  That  which  is  deepest  rooted 
in  our  minds,  however,  is  his  intrigue  with  Bathsheba. 
Here  he  is  the  absolute  monarch  who  will  have  his 
way.  The  few  incidents  that  indicate  the  general 
moral  tone  of  the  community  are  of  a  similar  type. 
Amnon  forcing  Tamar,  and  her  protest,  show  that  in 


104  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


this  transition  period  the  nation  had  fallen  upon  hard 
days  (II  Sam.  xiii.  1-19).  In  such  a  maelstrom  of 
changing  life  and  custom,  ruled  by  soldiers,  many  of 
whom  were  foreign  adventurers,  in  a  land  so  near  the 
sea,  so  close  to  the  desert,  both  of  which  were  havens 
for  the  criminal,  we  could  not  expect  any  great  re¬ 
gard  for  virtue.  Immorality  and  barbarity  always 
accompany  a  military  regime.  Now,  as  has  been  well 
said,  ^The  old  morality  based  on  tribal  and  family  lines 
was  going  out,  and  the  new  morality  based  on  a  sense 
of  national  unity  was  not  yet  fully  come.^’ 

There  were,  however,  bright  spots  in  the  morals  of 
those  growing  days.  True,  they  may  be  called  mili¬ 
tary  virtues,  but,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  most  virtues 
find  their  basis  in  those  qualities  that  make  the  sol¬ 
dier:  courage,  endurance,  devotion,  strength,  and 
loyalty.  No  period  is  more  lustrous  of  heroic  deeds 
than  this.  From  the  acceptance  of  the  challenge  of 
Goliath  to  the  enumeration  of  the  thirty  mighty  men 
of  David  we  have  a  continuous  display  of  these  quali¬ 
ties.  Perhaps  no  story  more  adequately  sketches  the 
virile  characteristics  of  the  times  than  that  of  the  three 
mighty  men  who  broke  through  the  Philistine  encamp¬ 
ment,  to  carry  a  drink  of  water  to  their  thirsty  master 
from  the  spring  he  had  known  as  a  boy  (II  Sam.  xxiii. 
13-17).  It  is  here  we  see  David’s  appreciation  of 
human  life  and  valor,  and  his  deep  religious  spirit 
at  greatest  advantage. 

But  there  is  evidence  that  still  nobler  ideals  were 
held  in  some  quarters.  The  one  story  that  is  best 
known,  but  the  ethical  import  of  which  is  often  mis¬ 
understood,  is  that  of  Bathsheba-Uriah.  Strange  it 
may  seem  to  us,  that  which  shocks  us  most,  viz.,  the 
social  sin,  is  not  the  point  of  the  story.  The  original 
censure,  as  the  parable  of  Nathan  makes  quite  clear, 
was  directed  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  at  the  king’s 
high-handed  seizure  of  the  poor  man’s  property  (II 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


105 


Sam.  xii.  1-4,  9).  It  is  that  demand  which  we  hear 
so  insistently  throughout  the  eighth-century  prophets, 
the  demand  for  the  rights  of  the  individual  as  against 
the  oppression  of  a  privileged  class. 

Little  need  be  said  here  concerning  the  religious 
ideas  of  the  time.  They  were  inseparable  from  the 
military  achievements,  and  the  social  and  economic 
changes.  Yahweh  was  never  more  of  a  war-god  than 
now.  All  the  victories  of  the  army  were  credited  to 
him  (II  Sam.  viii.  6,  14).  All  the  spoil  of  battle  and 
the  slaughter  of  the  enemy  were  dedicated  to  him 
(II  Sam.  viii.  11,  12).  He,  like  the  military  chief, 
was  harsh  and  arbitrary.  The  king  did  as  he  pleased, 
unquestioned;  then  why  should  not  Yahweh?  Uzzah 
dies.  Why?  He  has  broken  no  moral  law,  defied  no 
known  ritual  regulation.  Then,  why?  Some  one  must 
find  the  cause,  and  what  more  likely  than  Yahweh’s 
wrath  because  of  some  unusual  act  of  his  (II  Sam.  vi. 
6-11).  The  rains  are  restrained,  and  famine  and  suffer¬ 
ing  are  the  result.  Why  the  famine?  Somebody  in  some 
way  had  displeased  Yahweh  (II  Sam.  xxi.  1-14).  A 
pestilence  scourged  the  land.  Why?  Some  one  has 
transgressed  (II  Sam.  xxiv.  1-9).  This  early  idea  of  a 
God,  arbitrary  and  irresponsible,  flourished  in  the 
atmosphere  of  an  unquestioned  military  autocracy. 
Later,  in  the  great  prophets,  we  shall  find  this  concep¬ 
tion  very  much  softened,  and  other  and  nobler  charac¬ 
teristics  take  the  place  of  first  importance. 

Religion  on  its  formal  side,  built  on  old,  well-estab¬ 
lished  customs.  There  were  many  sanctuaries,  as 
Hebron,  Bethel,  Gilgal,  Bethlehem,  and  Mizpah 
throughout  the  land,  all  of  which  were  equally  legiti¬ 
mate  for  the  devout  worshiper.  Tribes  had  their  spe¬ 
cial  centers,  and  families  their  special  altars  on  which 
they  offered  the  customary  sacrifices  with  the  simple 
ritual  which  they  had  inherited  from  the  past.  The 
patriarch  still  held  the  priestly  privilege,  though  a 


106  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


class  of  experts  was  arising.  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  the 
sons  of  Aaron,  had  become  prominent  figures  (II  Sam. 
XX.  25).  David’s  sons  were  appointed  to  what  would 
seem  to  be  a  coveted  position  in  the  priesthood,  and 
a  Jairite  shared  the  honors  with  them  (II  Sam.  viii. 
18;  XX.  25).  The  symbols  of  religion  remained  largely 
as  they  had  been  earlier,  the  Urim  and  Thummim, 
teraphim,  the  ephod,  and  the  ark.  Jerusalem,  the  chief 
city  and  the  capital,  now  began  to  assume  the  place 
of  first  importance  religiously.  The  ark  was  housed 
there,  and  as  the  appointments  of  religion  should  cor¬ 
respond  to  those  of  commerce  and  politics,  all  was 
ready  for  an  advance  at  least  in  the  externals  of 
religion. 

The  question  of  the  literature  of  the  period  is  one 
that  is  worthy  of  most  careful  inquiry.  Tradition  has 
been  kind  to  David.  To  sustain  his  great  reputation 
in  later  days,  the  rabbis  found  it  necessary  to  ascribe 
to  him  an  immaculate  conception  (Targ.  Ruth).  To 
describe  fully  his  contribution  to  Israel’s  life,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  stay  within  the  bounds  of  fact  seemed 
difficult.  But  the  cultural  background,  as  seen  in  the 
Old  Testament  and  as  deduced  from  the  excavations, 
is  quite  conclusive.  That  the  boy  from  the  hills  of 
Judah  was  a  fiute-player,  a  singer,  and  a  composer  of 
songs,  there  need  be  no  dispute.  These  were  part  of 
the  warp  and  woof  of  the  time.  The  book  of  Samuel 
ascribes  to  him  a  lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan,  a 
lament  over  Abner,  and  a  lament  over  Absalom  (II 
Sam.  i.  19-27;  iii.  33-34;  xviii.  33).  These  are  secular 
songs,  full  of  tenderness,  imaginative  in  expression,  and 
quite  in  keeping  with  the  times  and  the  character  of  the 
king.  Our  conviction  is  not  so  strong  when  we  turn  to 
the  sample  Psalm  which  is  incorporated  in  II  Samuel 
xxii.  2-51.  Comparing  this  with  Psalm  xviii.,  we  find 
we  have  two  editions  of  the  same  poem  with  some  133 
minor  differences.  One  or  both  editions  have  suffered 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


107 


much  from  editors.  In  its  present  form  it  cannot  in 
its  entirety  go  back  to  the  early  days  of  the  kingdom. 
The  ideal  expressed  in  II  Samuel  xxii.  21-24,  25-28, 
and  the  historical  background  implied  in  vss.  44-46, 
belong  to  conditions  much  later  than  the  time  of 
David.  If  here  we  have  a  Davidic  nucleus,  it  must 
later  have  been  adapted  to  public  worship,  and  have 
suffered  as  have  most  of  our  ancient  hymns  at  the 
hands  of  interpreters.  The  question  of  the  Davidic 
authorship  of  the  73  psalms  ascribed  to  him  in  the 
Hebrew,  or  the  69  in  the  Septuagint  will  be  discussed 
later.  Suffice  it  here  to  say  that,  while  few  of  these 
breathe  the  atmosphere,  or  express  the  spirit  in  which 
the  David  of  the  historical  books  lived,  and  moved, 
and  had  his  being,  it  would  be  quite  unwarranted  to 
suggest  that  in  the  Psalms,  as  we  now  have  them, 
there  might  not  be  a  residuum  that  was  Davidic. 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 
Solomon,  973-933  b.c. 

I  Kings  i-xi;  II  Chronicles  i-ix. 

Solomon,  appointed  to  the  throne  by  his  father, 
duly  anointed  by  Zadok,  and  protected  by  the  royal 
mercenaries,  was  loudly  proclaimed  king  by  all  the 
people  (I  Kgs.  i.  38-40).  Immediately  he  faced  Adoni- 
jah  and  his  supporters.  His  rival,  placed  on  his  good 
behavior,  in  a  short  time  made  the  request  for  Abishag, 
the  dead  king’s  concubine,  and  Benaiah,  at  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Solomon,  slew  him  for  this  evidence  of  dis¬ 
loyalty  (I  Kgs.  i.  49-53;  ii.  13-15).  Joab,  the  old  war¬ 
rior,  was  not  forgiven  for  his  alliance  with  the  usurper, 
and  was  slain  while  seeking  sanctuary  at  the  altar 
(I  Kgs.  ii.  28-35).  Shimei,  his  father’s  enemy,  at  the 
end  of  three  years  was  put  to  death  for  violating  the 
prescribed  bounds  (I  Kgs.  ii.  36-46). 

The  Deuteronomic  editor  made  the  execution  of 
Joab  and  Shimei  David’s  final  charge  to  Solomon 
(I  Kgs.  ii.  1-9).  It  is  a  strange  interpretation.  Why 
did  David  suffer  Joab  to  live  more  than  thirty  years 
after  the  murder  of  Abner,  if  death  was  his  due?  What 
was  David’s  oath  of  life  to  Shimei  worth,  if  now  he 
lays  this  command  on  his  successor  (cf.  II  Sam.  xix. 
23)?  Why  should  Solomon  be  the  executioner  for 
his  father?  In  another  place  we  have  the  record  of 
David’s  last  words,  and  the  purport  is  far  different 
from  this  his  last  will  and  testament  (cf.  II  Sam.  xxiii. 

108 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


109 


1-7).  The  editor  no  doubt  had  grounds  that  seemed 
to  him  adequate,  but  all  things  considered,  it  looks  like 
interpretation  rather  than  sober  history.  Was  it  that 
the  Deuteronomist,  who  loved  the  temple,  thought 
that  none  but  a  man  of  peace  was  worthy  to  be  consid¬ 
ered  its  builder?  Did  his  conception  of  rewards  and 
punishments  in  this  life  compel  him  to  believe  that 
Joab  and  Shimei  must  have  suffered  for  their  past 
sins?  It  may  be  that  this  gruesome  bequest  of  the 
dying  king  is  an  apologetic  for  both  the  sanctity  of  the 
temple  and  the  stern  justice  of  a  righteous  God.  But 
this  in  no  real  way  removes  the  stain  of  blood  from 
the  hands  of  Solomon.  He  must  bear  the  responsi¬ 
bility  for  the  death  of  Adonijah,  and  the  banishment 
of  Abiathar  (I  Kgs.  ii.  27).  Joab  was  also  a  conspira¬ 
tor  against  his  sovereignty,  and  his  personal  safety 
alone  would  dictate  the  removal  of  such  enemies.  This, 
the  putting  out  of  the  way  of  all  rivals,  was  the  usual 
policy  of  an  Oriental  despot. 

Revolting  Nations — Revolts  of  subject  peoples  oc¬ 
curred  most  likely  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign 
(I  Kgs.  xi.  14-25).  Conquered  Oriental  nations  almost 
invariably  tested  the  strength  of  every  new  monarch 
upon  his  accession.  Rebellion  broke  out  both  in  Syria 
and  Edom,  but  the  story  is  not  complete.  Our  editor 
was  more  interested  in  religion,  and  in  the  peace  that 
characterized  the  reign  of  Solomon  than  in  warfare. 
The  port  of  Elath  in  the  territory  of  Edom  was  used 
by  Israel  as  a  harbor,  and  thus  was  probably  tributary 
to  Solomon  during  the  whole  of  his  reign.  Yet  it  is 
quite  possible  that  neither  Edom  nor  Syria  rendered 
him  the  same  allegiance  that  they  had  his  father.  The 
boundary  lines  and  the  tale  of  tribute  are  given  in 
general  terms,  and  may  have  something  of  an  idealistic 
touch  (I  Kgs.  iv.  21-25). 

Growing  Commerce — If,  however,  he  was  not  so  com¬ 
manding  a  military  figure  among  the  bordering  princi- 


110  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


palities  as  his  father  had  been,  his  world-renown  far 
surpassed  that  of  his  predecessors.  Commercially  his 
reign  proved  nothing  short  of  revolutionary.  The  king 
was  the  master  middleman,  personally  controlling  and 
benefiting  from  the  land  trafiic.  The  merchandise 
passing  along  the  caravan  routes  was  better  organized 
than  hitherto.  From  Mutzri,  in  Asia  Minor,  far- 
famed  for  its  fine  horses,  he  brought  horses  by  droves, 
and  from  Egypt  he  brought  chariots,  and  sold  each  in 
the  best  markets  (I  Kgs.  x.  28-29).  He  catered  to  the 
needs  of  the  Hittite  and  Syrian  courts  (I  Kgs.  x.  29). 
He  carried  on  an  active  spice  trade  with  Arabia  in 
the  south,  and  caravans  from  the  north  and  the  east 
added  their  quota  to  his  wealth  (cf.  I  Kgs.  x.  1-10; 
iv.  24).  With  Phoenicia  his  trade  relations  were  the 
closest  possible.  Master  workmen  in  brass  and  stone 
and  wood,  builders  of  ships  and  of  palaces  had  to  be 
brought  from  Tyre  to  beautify  Jerusalem  (I  Kgs.  vii. 
13-14).  A  multitude  of  common  laborers  must  have 
accompanied  their  masters,  and  much  of  the  material 
for  the  building  enterprises,  fine  wood,  dyestuff,  and 
gold,  no  doubt  came  from  Tyre  and  Sidon  (I  Kgs.  v. 
11;  ix.  11).  Payment  to  Hiram  of  Tyre  was  always 
required  (I  Kgs.  v.  6,  11;  ix.  12). 

Maritime  traffic  added  still  greater  luster  to  his 
reputation.  The  ancient  traditions  told  of  Solomon’s 
ventures  on  the  Mediterranean  and  on  the  Red  sea,  in 
partnership  with  Hiram  (I  Kgs.  ix.  26;  x.  22).  It  is 
possible  that  the  seaport  of  Gaza  may  have  been  used 
by  Israel  (I  Kgs.  iv.  24),  and  Joppa  and  Dor  were 
likely  open  to  them.  What  distant  havens  these  mer¬ 
chantmen  visited  is  not  clear.  Some  have  thought  that 
the  Mediterranean  fleet  may  have  visited  the  shores 
of  Cornwall,  England,  for  tin  which  was  mined  there 
about  that  time.  The  Red  sea  navy  may  have  had 
contact  with  India.  Ophir  may  be  for  Avira,  an  old 
name  for  the  district  at  the  mouth  of  the  Indus.  Cross- 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


111 


country  traffic,  which  for  ages  had  been  intermittent 
between  India  and  Asia  Minor,  about  this  time  had 
been  penalized  by  Assyria  and  Persia.  This  perhaps 
stimulated  the  master  merchantman  to  open  up  a 
water-way  to  obtain  the  apes,  peacocks,  and  other  com¬ 
modities  which  were  native  to  India. 

International  Relations — This  world-wide  commerce 
brought  Solomon  into  political  contact  with  the  great 
nations  of  the  day.  His  numerous  marriage  contracts 
were  the  public  evidence  of  international  treaties. 
Moabites,  Ammonites,  Edomites,  Sidonians,  and 
Hittites  were  all  linked  up  with  Israel  in  such  po¬ 
litical  bonds  (I  Kgs.  xi.  1-3).  But  an  alliance  with 
Egypt,  the  ancient  world-power,  was  the  crowning 
glory  of  Solomon,  and  his  Egyptian  queen  was  the 
undisputed  mistress  in  the  palace  (I  Kgs.  vii.  8;  xi.  1). 
While  the  aggregate  of  the  harem  does  not  suggest  the 
report  of  a  court  statistician,  in  fact  it  has  been  sug¬ 
gested  that  seventy  instead  of  seven  hundred  may 
have  been  the  number  of  the  wives,  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  has  a  substantial  historical 
background. 

Home  Policy — Such  a  foreign  policy  as  above  de¬ 
scribed  was  closely  integrated  with  the  home  policy., 
It  was  a  time  of  unwonted  development  and  splendor. 
In  Jerusalem  the  king  carried  through  building  opera¬ 
tions,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  conceived  by 
Israel.  On  the  eastern  side  of  the  city,  by  the  aid  of 
foreign  architects,  he  planned  and  completed  by  the 
twenty-fourth  year  of  his  reign  the  great  royal  court 
(I  Kgs.  ix.  10;  cf.  vi.  11).  This  consisted  of  a  group 
of  buildings,  six  in  all,  only  partly  described  in  the 
book  of  Kings.  They  formed  a  large  rectangle,  and 
were  completely  surrounded  by  a  substantial  wall. 
Beginning  at  the  south,  where  we  find  one  of  the  main 
entrances,  we  pass  into  the  house  of  the  forest  of 
Lebanon  (I  Kgs.  vii.  2-5).  This  was  a  large  hall,  in 


112  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


which,  or  over  which,  was  provision  for  an  arsenal 
(I  Kgs.  X.  17).  Its  chief  use  in  later  days  seems  to 
have  been  to  accommodate  those  who  gathered  at  the 
court  for  justice  (Jos.  Ant.  viii.  13,  3).  Passing 
through  this,  going  northward,  we  enter  the  porch  of 
pillars  (I  Kgs.  vii.  6),  which  was  a  waiting  room  to  the 
hall  of  justice  (I  Kgs.  vii.  7).  Here  the  king  as  the 
supreme  judge  held  his  court.  Next  in  order,  north¬ 
ward,  stood  the  royal  palace,  and  in  the  rear  to  the 
west  lay  the  palace  of  the  favorite  queen  (I  Kgs.  yii. 
8).  These  two  palaces  were  enclosed  by  a  stone  wall. 
North  of  this,  connected  by  a  door,  lay  the  temple 
court,  with  the  altar  and  temple,  all  likewise  within  a 
stone  wall  (I  Kgs.  vi.  14-37).  All  these  six  buildings 
lay  within  the  great  wall  which  formed  an  irregular 
quadrangle  with  perhaps  two  entrances,  one  from  the 
south  and  the  other  directly  east  of  the  temple  area. 
All  this  imposing  pile,  lying  within  the  area  of  the 
outer  wall,  constituted  the  royal  buildings. 

While  no  other  part  of  the  country  profited  as  did 
the  capital,  important  outposts  were  fortified  (I  Kgs. 
ix.  17).  Cities  for  horsemen,  and  cities  for  chariots 
were  located  at  strategic  points,  and  store  cities  were 
built  throughout  the  land  (I  Kgs.  ix.  19;  x.  26).  Thus 
was  he  able  to  control  the  caravan  routes  and  defend 
the  outposts  of  the  country. 

To  keep  pace  with  the  development  at  home  and 
abroad,  the  cabinet,  which  had  been  organized  by 
David,  was  enlarged,  and  the  personnel  was  changed 
(I  Kgs.  iv.  2-6).  An  extra  scribe  was  added.  A  chief 
of  the  oflacers,  and  a  superintendent  of  the  household 
were  also  found  necessary.  The  cabinet,  still  the  ap¬ 
pointees  of  the  king,  have  now  all  attained  the  dignity 
of  princes.  No  better  illustration  of  the  growing 
affluence  and  developing  culture  could  have  been  pre¬ 
served  than  this  enumeration  of  the  cabinet  officers. 

Changing  Customs — Such  prosperity,  going  hand  in 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


113 


hand  with  an  increasing  population,  carried  with  it  a 
number  of  disturbing  elements.  Foreigners  with  their 
foreign  customs  and  religion  flocked  to  the  country  as 
never  before.  They  seem  to  have  dominated  the  in¬ 
dustry  of  the  land.  They  were  the  master  builders 
of  cities  and  walls,  of  palaces  and  temple  alike.  They 
were  the  designers  of  the  royal  palace,  and  the  crafts¬ 
men  who  were  the  experts  in  bronze  and  wood.  One 
of  the  chief  palaces  was  occupied  by  a  foreigner.  For 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  these  foreigners  must 
have  exercised  a  most  subtle  sway,  so  it  is  prob¬ 
able  that  their  influence  was  felt  down  to  the  most 
minute  details  of  the  customs  and  thought  of  the 
people. 

Solomon  loved  pomp  and  pageantry.  This  strongly 
appealed  to  the  youthful,  national  pride.  His  horses 
and  chariots  were  the  acme  of  his  splendor.  Many 
of  the  youths  of  the  land  appreciated  the  new  glory 
because  of  the  personal  advantages  they  gained.  But 
it  must  have  been  distasteful  to  many  of  the  others 
who  were  peace-loving,  peasant  folk. 

The  vast  wealth  required  to  carry  on  all  this  show 
must  be  found  somewhere.  The  building  program  was 
costly,  and  the  daily  outlay  for  his  equipage  helps  us 
to  visualize  the  current  expenditure  (cf.  I  Kgs.  iv. 
22-23).  He  must  have  had  considerable  personal 
holdings,  but  these  would  satisfy  but  a  small  part  of 
the  demand.  His  control  of  commerce  helped  to  fill 
his  coffers,  but  more  was  needed.  Tribute  still  flowed 
from  conquered  kingdoms  (I  Kgs.  iv.  21).  But  the 
demands  of  the  kingdom  were  ever  increasing.  Tens 
of  thousands  of  Canaanites  and  the  poorer  Israelites 
were  reduced  to  taskwork  to  help  meet  the  need 
(I  Kgs.  V.  13-16;  ix.  20-21;  xi.  28;  cf.  ix.  22).  But 
the  budget  of  the  ambitious  monarch  lay  still  beyond 
the  income  from  these  sources.  A  genius  for  organi¬ 
zation,  he  divided  the  whole  country  into  twelve  parts, 


114  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


completely  ignoring  boundary  lines,  and  omitting 
Judah.  He  put  a  commanding  officer  in  charge  of  each 
division,  and  laid  on  each  one  the  required  victuals  for 
the  king  and  his  household  for  one  month  (I  Kgs.  iv. 
7-19;  cf.  I  Sam.  viii.  11-17).  Still  the  credit  side  of 
the  ledger  exceeded  the  debit,  and  the  resourceful  king 
handed  over  twenty  of  his  Galilean  cities  to  Hiram 
of  Tyre,  who  seems  to  have  been  his  banker  during 
most  of  his  reign  (I  Kgs.  ix.  11-12). 

Thus  the  splendor  of  his  reign  had  a  somber  back¬ 
ground.  There  was  great  wealth,  which  was  shared 
in  by  the  king  and  his  court,  the  officers,  and  the  master 
workmen  of  the  realm.  There  was  great  poverty  as 
well.  With  more  wealth  in  the  country  than  ever 
before,  vast  multitudes  had  to  slave  and  toil  as  their 
ancestors  never  had,  under  taskmasters  who  cared  more 
for  the  work  done  than  for  the  workmen.  Another 
large  group,  the  middle  class,  must  have  had  to  face 
a  continual  grind  with  only  a  meager  existence,  in 
order  to  meet  the  ever-increasing  tax  demands.  To 
generations  far  removed  from  the  scene  of  conflict, 
these  were  the  golden  days  of  Israel,  but  to  many  of 
those  who  participated  in  them,  and  in  whose  toil  and 
blood  the  foundations  were  reared,  there  was  a  very 
different  emphasis. 

Personal  Characteristics — Solomon  was  an  Oriental 
monarch,  and  he  established  an  Oriental  kingdom.  He 
was  born  in  the  court,  and  knew  not  the  life  of  the 
common  people  as  had  his  father  before  him.  Though 
he  was  a  forceful  personality,  it  is  quite  unlikely  that 
he  possessed  military  skill.  His  was  the  gift  of  organi¬ 
zation.  Under  his  leadership  the  nation  was  equipped 
for  business  at  home  and  abroad,  as  well  as  for  defense. 
It  is  amazing  that  within  a  generation  from  the  reign 
of  Saul,  the  plowboy,  those  days  of  agricultural  begin¬ 
nings  and  constant  tribal  feuds,  we  should  And  a  well- 
ordered  realm,  apparently  united  from  Dan  to  Beer- 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


115 


sheba,  old  tribal  boundaries  gone,  commerce  estab¬ 
lished  with  great  world  centers,  palaces,  temples,  and 
cities  that  vie  with  those  of  ancient  renown,  a  court, 
a  harem,  and  a  king  reveling  in  a  magnificence  that 
might  have  been  the  product  of  a  thousand  years. 
Yet  such  is  the  scene  amidst  which  we  move  in  our 
study  of  Solomon.  A  wise  king,  yes,  as  that  word  was 
then  used:  wise  in  the  subtle  mastery  of  intricate 
problems,  in  riddles,  in  quick  repartee,  and  in  his  con¬ 
trol  of  men  as  well  as  situations.  Wise  in  statesman¬ 
ship?  Scarcely!  He  built  too  rapidly,  and  his  struc¬ 
ture  proved  topheavy.  Wise  in  morals,  the  funda¬ 
mentals  of  personal  character?  He  was  perhaps  as 
good  or  better  than  most  of  his  generation.  But  he 
was  overambitious  and  inconsiderate  of  his  fellow  men. 
Wise  in  the  domain  of  religion?  Loyal  to  his  light,  he 
no  doubt  was.  A  lover  of  ritual,  his  contribution  to 
that  side  of  religion  was  of  supreme  value,  but  it  is 
possible  that  his  conceptions  of  justice  and  kindness 
and  humility  would  not  stand  at  the  bar  of  the  eighth- 
century  prophets. 

Literature — From  what  has  been  said  it  is  easy  to 
reconstruct  the  inner  life  of  the  nation.  Nothing  need 
be  added,  touching  the  social  and  the  industrial  life 
of  the  people.  But  what  of  their  literature?  In  the 
state  we  find  that  stable  life,  with  those  complex  in¬ 
terests  and  specialized  group  activities,  with  the  or¬ 
ganization  of  the  industrial,  military,  and  political  life, 
that  creates  at  least  a  certain  type  of  literature.  No 
doubt  scribes  were  hard  at  work,  owing  to  the  de¬ 
mands  of  business  and  politics.  No  fragment  of  such 
writing  has  remained  to  us,  at  least  in  its  original 
form.  But  were  there  historians,  part  of  whose  efforts 
may  have  been  preserved  to  us?  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  much  that  refers  to  the  early  reign  of  David,  as 
II  Samuel  ix.-xx. ;  I  Kings  i.-ii.  12,  may  have  taken 
very  largely  its  present  form,  if  not  in  the  time  of 


116  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Solomon,  then  shortly  after.  Chronicles  of  the  reign  of 
Solomon  were  undoubtedly  kept,  but  what  their  rela¬ 
tion  may  have  been  to  our  present  memoirs,  or  again  to 
^The  acts  of  Solomon,”  we  cannot  be  absolutely  certain 
(I  Kgs.  xi.  41).  It  is  quite  likely,  however,  that  they 
contributed  to  the  statistical  and  historical  facts  which 
were  later  used  to  give  us  our  picture  of  the  great  king. 
Songs  and  hero-tales  would  very  naturally  grow  up 
during  these  days.  Genesis  xlix.  2-27;  Exodus  xv. 
1-18;  Numbers  xxiii.  7 — xxiv.  9  are  among  the  songs 
that  because  of  content,  language,  and  spirit  are  con¬ 
sidered  by  many  as  belonging  to  this  period.  All  cele¬ 
brate  some  event  in  Israel’s  past  and,  as  most  singers 
do,  the  authors  live  over  the  old  scenes,  and  even  im¬ 
personate  the  chief  character.  Only  the  careful  study 
of  each  poem  in  the  light  of  history  will  enable  us  to 
fix  the  date,  and  that  only  in  the  most  general  way. 
But  in  these  days  of  growing  national  consciousness 
and  developing  culture  we  may  expect  that  the  great 
facts  of  the  past  would  be  given  permanent  form. 

Our  interest  is,  however,  specially  directed  to  the 
king  himself.  Was  he  a  literary  man,  and  if  so  what 
have  we  from  his  pen?  Tradition  has  magnified  his 
wisdom.  First  it  made  him  a  natural  scientist  (I  Kgs. 
iv.  33),  and  then  it  made  him  a  legendary  character  by 
asserting  that  he  understood  the  language  of  trees  and 
birds,  of  beasts  and  creeping  things.  To  find  the 
assured  basis  of  this  is  the  serious  task  of  the  student. 
In  the  story  of  the  dedication  of  the  temple  we  have  a 
brief  dedicatory  poem,  which  in  every  way  is  suitable 
to  the  occasion,  and  may  well  have  been  first  uttered 
at  this  time  (I  Kgs.  viii.  12,  13).  The  Septuagint  has 
preserved  the  more  complete  form,  and  when  recon¬ 
structed  reads  as  follows: 

The  sun  has  Yahweh  placed  in  the  heaven; 

He,  himself,  he  said,  will  dwell  in  darkness; 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


117 


I  have  built  thee  a  lofty  house, 

A  dwelling  place  for  thee  for  ever. 

It  is  important  to  notice  that  the  Septuagint  also 
adds,  “is  it  not  written  in  the  book  of  the  song.^’  This 
suggests  that  at  one  time,  this  stood  alone  as  the  com¬ 
plete  prayer  of  the  king  at  the  time  of  the  dedication 
services.  As  such,  it  is  quite  appropriate.  However, 
when  we  seek  further  for  the  dedicatory  prayer,  we 
find  two  editions  (I  Kgs.  viii.  22-53  and  II  Chr.  vi. 
12-42).  When  we  compare  these  two  we  note  that 
the  editors,  or  at  least  one  editor,  took  great  liberties 
with  the  text.  The  differences  are  as  marked  as  the 
similarities.  When  we  look  into  the  spirit  as  well  as 
the  content  of  each,  we  find  the  first  molded  by  the 
phraseology  and  ideal  of  Deuteronomy,  and  the  sec¬ 
ond  by  that  of  the  priestly  school.  We  see  further 
that  neither  expression  is  quite  appropriate  in  the 
lips  of  Solomon. 

From  this  we  can  readily  pass  to  the  question  of 
the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Proverbs,  Song  of  Songs, 
and  Ecclesiastes.  That  Solomon  was  in  one  way  or 
another  the  source  of  that  upon  which  later  days  en¬ 
larged  is  probable.  Some  of  the  proverbs  fit  well  with 
his  experiences  and  his  outlook.  Many  of  them  contain 
worldly  wisdom  that  measures  up  to  the  range  of  his 
life.  Many  of  them  are  sharp  sayings  of  the  type  in 
which  he  most  probably  indulged.  The  Song  of  Songs 
could  be  fitted  into  his  experience,  and  he  is  the  central 
figure  in  at  least  one  of  the  songs.  The  same  in  general 
might  be  said  about  Ecclesiastes.  But  such  facts  do 
not  give  evidence  of  authorship.  These  books  will 
each  be  studied  later  (cf.  pp.  308-311),  but  the  language 
and  the  spirit  of  them  as  they  now  stand,  is 
largely  foreign  to  the  age  and  the  outlook  of  Solomon 
as  it  has  been  preserved  in  history.  They  are,  in  fact, 
much  closer  to  those  interbiblical  books  that  also  bear 


118  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


his  name :  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  the  Psalms  of 
Solomon.  The  present  title  may  have  been  attached 
to  them  in  exactly  the  same  way  as  to  the  latter. 

Religious  Life — Those  influences  that  made  for 
change  and  revolution  in  civil  affairs  played  a  no  less 
significant  part  in  religious  life  and  thought.  Ushered 
into  official  life  by  one  prophet,  and  his  downfall 
predicted  by  another,  we  hear  no  prophetic  voice  dur¬ 
ing  the  whole  reign  of  Solomon.  His  conduct  of 
national  affairs  was  so  closely  organized  and  so  thor¬ 
oughly  dominated  by  himself  that  there  was  no  place 
for  the  dissenter.  Nor  would  we  be  surprised  if  this 
new,  gorgeous  civilization  shocked  the  nomadic  ideals 
of  the  prophets  into  a  temporary  silence.  But  many 
minds  must  have  pondered  the  unequal  economic  con¬ 
ditions  that  grew  apace  in  the  realm,  and  the  inherent 
injustice  of  these  conditions  formed  a  definite  back¬ 
ground  for  later  messages. 

The  growing  cosmopolitan  type  of  population 
directly  affected  the  religion.  Previously  Yahwism 
had  rubbed  up  against  Canaanitish  Baalism,  and  had 
assimilated  some  of  its  features.  Now  the  doors  were 
opened  to  the  world,  and  every  little  community  with 
its  peculiar  customs  crossed  the  threshold.  Sanctuaries 
were  erected  for  Chemosh,  God  of  the  Moabites,  and 
for  Molech,  God  of  the  Ammonites,  as  well  as  for 
others,  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem  (I  Kgs.  xi.  7).  But 
the  influence  of  Egypt,  through  the  favorite  queen,  and 
of  Tyre,  through  her  numerous  expert  workmen,  were 
the  most  potent.  Two  types  of  religious  thought  re¬ 
sulted  from  this  ferment.  One  group  grew  tolerant, 
adapted  themselves  to  the  situation  as  they  found  it, 
absorbed  somewhat  of  all  they  met,  lost  many  of  their 
old  convictions,  and  produced  a  new  type  of  life  and 
thought.  The  other  group  reacted  in  the  presence  of 
the  strange  and  foreign,  clung  tenaciously  to  their 
old  methods,  forms  and  names,  and  became  propa- 


THE  UNITED  KINGDOM 


119 


gandists  for  the  ways  of  their  fathers.  A  clash  be¬ 
tween  the  old  and  the  new  was  inevitable;  in  fact,  it 
had  a  real  function  to  perform  in  the  religious  life  of 
Israel. 

Of  no  less  importance  than  the  foregoing  was  the 
building  of  the  temple.  Here  was  a  new  and  far- 
reaching  development  in  Yahweh  worship.  Hitherto 
Yahweh  had  not  dwelt  in  a  house,  but  had  dwelt  in 
a  tent  and  in  a  tabernacle  (II  Sam.  vii.  6).  With  the 
dedication  of  the  temple,  the  days  of  the  simplicity 
of  worship  were  numbered.  Here  an  ornate  ritual  in 
keeping  with  the  new  building  must  develop.  Sacri¬ 
fices  must  increase  in  number  and  in  type.  The 
priesthood  must  become  specialists,  and  their  services 
must  keep  pace  with  the  environment.  As  the  years 
pass  the  Jerusalem  sanctuary  will  attract  worshipers 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  old  sacred 
shrines  with  their  simple  forms  will  suffer  gradual 
eclipse. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 
The  First  Period,  933-887  b.c. 
The  Kings 

Israel  Judah 


Jeroboam  I 

933  Rehoboam 

933 

Abijah 

920 

Asa 

917 

Nadab 

915 

Baasha 

913 

Elah 

889 

Zimri 

887 

I  Kings  xii.-xvi.  15;  II  Chronicles 

X.-XVI. 

A- 

-Analysis  of  Literature 

Five  distinct  sources  were  used  for  this  and  the  sub¬ 
sequent  part  of  our  history.  (1)  The  book  of  the 
chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Israel,  and  (2)  the  book  of 
the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah  were  histories  of 
the  north  and  the  south,  respectively,  which  drew 
immediately  upon  the  court  annals  that  were  kept  in 
the  archives  of  each  kingdom.  The  authors  must  have 
had  direct  access  to  the  original  records.  Whether 
they  copied  them  verbatim,  what  proportion  of  the 
material  they  omitted,  or  what,  if  any,  they  added,  we 
do  not  know.  That  each  book  contained  much  more 
than  the  compiler  of  our  present  book  of  Kings  used, 

120 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


123 


and  that  each  was  a  narrative  of  historical  events  of 
its  respective  nation,  is  quite  clear.  That  the  book 
of  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Israel  was  written 
after  the  fall  of  Samaria,  722  b.c.,  and  the  book  of  the 
chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah  was  not  concluded 
much  earlier  than  600  b.c.  is  apparent,  because  of 
events  included  in  our  quotations  from  the  books.  The 
last  appeal  made  to  either  book  refers  to  the  completed 
reign  of  King  Jehoiakim,  who  ruled  from  608  to 
597  B.c.  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  5). 

The  third  source  is  the  vivid,  picturesque  Elijah 
and  Elisha  stories,  consisting  of  Ej.,  I  Kings  xvii.- 
xix.,  xxi.;  II  Kings  i.  2-17,  and  Es.,  II  Kings  ii.,  iv. 
1-vi.  23;  viii.  1-15;  xiii.  14-21,  respectively.  These 
stories  must  have  taken  their  present  form  somewhere 
about  800  B.c.  That  is,  they  must  have  preceded  Hosea 
(cir.  750  B.c.)  as  they  are  quite  unaware  that  any  guilt 
attaches  to  the  worship  at  northern  shrines. 

Another  source,  closely  related  to  Ej.  and  Es.,  con¬ 
sists  of  a  number  of  narratives  that  are  interested 
in  military  activities  in  Israel  (I  Kgs.  xx.,  xxii.  1-38; 
II  Kgs.  iii.,  vi.  24 — vii.  20;  ix.,  x.).  They  are  more  racy 
than  the  usual  official  chronicle,  less  religious,  and  more 
political  than  the  Ej.  and  Es.  stories.  They  are  rather 
a  popular  history  of  some  of  the  critical  episodes  in 
the  life  of  Israel.  Their  vividness  suggests  an  origin 
near  the  events  described,  perhaps  earlier  than  800  b.c. 

The  fifth  source,  II  Kings  xi.  4-20;  xii.  4-16;  xvi. 
10-18;  xxii.  3 — xxiii.  24,  whose  supreme  interest  is 
in  the  temple,  is  supposed  by  some  to  come  from  the 
temple  archives,  by  others  to  belong  to  the  book  of 
the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah.  The  common 
interest  of  the  four  passages  is  unmistakable,  the 
exact  origin  at  best  can  only  be  hypothetical,  but  in 
any  case  they  are  source  documents,  and  were  con¬ 
temporary  or  nearly  so  with  the  events. 

These  five  sources,  which  indeed  constitute  the 


124  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


major  part  of  the  book,  and  the  chief,  if  not  the  only, 
source  of  our  history,  are  all  that  have  been  preserved 
from  the  original  documents.  No  doubt  the  editor 
had  much  more  material  of  each  of  the  types,  but 
these  suited  his  purpose,  which  was  religious  rather 
than  historical.  Who  he  was,  what  was  his  purpose, 
and  when  he  lived,  are  questions  that  are  easily 
answered.  We  are  already  familiar  with  the  Deuter- 
onomic  school,  and  here  again  we  find  their  phraseology 
and  their  spirit  (cf.  I  Kgs.  xiv.  22,  23;  xv.  14;  xxii.  43, 
with  Dt.  xii.  1-3).  That  an  edition  of  the  book  was 
completed  before  the  exile,  597  b.c.,  is  evident  from 
many  passages  (cf.  I  Kgs.  ix.  3;  xi.  36;  xii.  19;  II  Kgs. 
xviii.  19,  22;  xvi.  6).  The  editor  is  responsible  for  the 
condemnation  of  the  kings  (I  Kgs.  xiv.  22,  23;  xii.  28, 
et  at.).  He  also  introduced  the  present  strange 
chronological  scheme  which  is  now  the  framework 
of  the  book  (e.g.,  I  Kgs.  xv.  1,  2,  9-11,  etc.).  This 
follows  a  regular  system,  the  date  of  the  accession  of 
a  king  is  given  by  comparison  with  the  years  of  the 
reign  of  the  contemporary  king  in  the  other  nation. 
Thus  the  editor  zigzags  from  one  kingdom  to  the  other 
on  the  crowning  of  each  ruler. 

There  are  some  features  that  indicate  a  still  later 
revision,  also  by  a  Deuteronomist.  A  number  of  pas¬ 
sages  look  on  the  exile  as  a  certainty  (II  Kgs.  xx. 
17-18;  xxi.  10-15;  xxiii.  27),  and  others  view  it  as  al¬ 
ready  having  taken  place  (I  Kgs.  ix.  7-9;  II  Kgs. 
xvii.  19,  20;  xxiii.  26;  xxiv.  3).  The  two  last  chapters 
deal  with  Nebuchadrezzar  and  his  relation  to  Judah, 
while  the  last  one  tells  of  the  fall  of  the  city  and  the 
captivity  in  586  b.c.,  and  concludes  with  the  privileges 
that  were  granted  Jehoiakin  in  Babylon  in  the  year 
561  B.c.  The  year  550  b.c.  would  then  be  the  approxi¬ 
mate  date  at  which  the  final  editor  brought  the  book 
up  to  date  by  occasional  insertions  throughout  the 
book  and  the  concluding  chapters.  The  book  must 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


125 


have  passed  through  many  scribal  hands  at  later 
periods,  but  it  suffered  very  little  by  way  of  interpre¬ 
tation  or  interpolation.  One  reason  for  this  was  that 
the  priestly  school  found  it  altogether  inadequate  for 
their  historical  purposes,  and  while  they  used  it  freely 
for  their  new  history  of  Israel,  viz.,  Chronicles,  they 
left  it  practically  untouched.  Hence  our  problem  of 
the  historical  value  of  the  book  is  a  comparatively 
simple  one. 


B — Sketch  of  History 

The  disruption  of  the  monarchy  was  not  so  sudden  as 
might  appear.  The  causes  lay  far  back  in  history. 
The  tribal  divisions  were  ancient  and  deep-rooted. 
Different  origins,  different  racial  elements  assimilated, 
different  development  because  of  environment,  to¬ 
gether  with  the  Canaanitish  settlement  between  the 
north  and  the  south,  all  aided  in  producing  a  perma¬ 
nent  cleavage.  The  official  union  under  Saul  and 
David  failed  to  prevent  constant  friction  and  jealousy. 
The  innovations  of  Solomon  were  felt  severely  by 
Ephraim.  There  the  burden  of  taxation  fell,  for  in 
the  north  was  the  greatest  wealth.  The  new  land 
division  disturbed  old  relationships,  and  left  Judah, 
the  tribe  of  the  king,  exempt  from  the  burdens  of  the 
kingdom.  An  absolute  monarch,  ruling  in  true 
Oriental  fashion,  could  not  satisfy  the  independent 
Ephraimites,  who  had  ever  struggled  for  the  place  of 
leadership.  Nor  did  the  religious  innovations,  the 
new  temple,  and  its  ritual  easily  win  the  assent  of  the 
democratic  north.  A  prophetic  outburst  in  the  vicinity 
of  Shiloh,  reported  indeed  by  the  Deuteronomic 
editor,  nevertheless,  suggests  that  throughout  the 
country  the  spirit  of  revolt  was  rife  (I  Kgs.  xi.  29-39 
D.).  Then  Rehoboam’s  arrogant  response  to  the  over¬ 
tures  of  the  Shechem  council  made  the  continuance 


126  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  the  union  unthinkable  (I  Kgs.  xii.  6-11).  The 
smoldering  rebellion  burst  into  flame.  New  indignities 
added  to  old  oppressions  were  intolerable.  The  slogan, 
^What  portion  have  we  in  David?  to  your  tents,  O 
Israel,’’  was  raised  (I  Kgs.  xii.  16).  Adoram,  an  officer 
over  the  taskwork,  the  messenger  of  the  king,  was 
stoned.  Rehoboam  and  his  bodyguard  fled  posthaste 
to  Jerusalem.  Jeroboam,  already  an  approved  leader 
in  the  north,  had  been  exiled  in  Egypt  because  Solo¬ 
mon  had  feared  an  insurrection.  He  had  been  recalled, 
and  was  now  summoned  to  an  assembly  by  the  people, 
and  crowned  king  over  Israel  (I  Kgs.  xii.  20). 

Two  results  immediately  followed.  All  the  tributary 
nations,  Syria,  Moab,  Ammon,  Edom,  and  Philistia, 
gained  their  independence,  as  Rehoboam  was  unable 
to  command  them.  Also  the  schism  that  opened  with 
bloodshed  was  continued  by  civil  warfare.  As  no 
battle  is  mentioned  and  no  details  are  given,  we  may 
assume  that  between  Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam  there 
were  only  indecisive  skirmishes  (I  Kgs.  xiv.  30;  xv.  7; 
cf.  xii.  21-24  P.).  Later  the  hatred  became  so  bitter, 
and  Judah  so  intrigued  with  foreign  powers,  that  the 
destruction  of  both  nations  was  compassed. 

Judah,  which  had  absorbed  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  as 
well  as  Calebites,  Kenites,  and  the  Jerahmeelites,  was 
a  small  territory,  with  rocky,  barren  soil,  and  from 
now  on  she  lived  under  the  shadow  of  her  stronger, 
wealthier  neighbor,  Israel.  Her  inheritance  was  the 
memory  of  two  great  kings,  who  had  laid  the  founda¬ 
tion  of  her  one  ruling  dynasty,  the  house  of  David, 
and  her  possession  of  the  one  splendid  city  in  all 
Palestine.  Yet  her  barren  hillsides,  her  bleak  ex¬ 
posures,  and  her  wide  outlook,  had  also  compensations 
in  their  influence  on  the  moral  fiber  and  spiritual 
fervor  of  her  people. 

Military  activities,  important  to  both  nations,  were 
almost  uninterrupted.  Egypt  had  a  strong  ruler. 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


127 


Shishak,  or  Sheshonk,  not  the  father-in-law  of  Jero¬ 
boam,  but  the  first  of  a  new  dynasty,  who  was  eager 
for  conquest  in  a  territory  that  centuries  before  had 
belonged  to  Egypt.  A  disunited  Israel  gave  him  his 
opportunity,  and  he  raided  the  country.  Our  narra¬ 
tives  tell  us  he  conquered  Jerusalem  and  robbed  the 
temple  in  the  fifth  year  of  Rehoboam,  i.e.,  927  b.c.  (I 
Kgs.  xiv.  25,  26).  But  the  Egyptian  contemporary 
records  on  the  south  wall  of  the  temple  at  Karnak 
add  substantially  to  the  story.  Here  is  preserved  a 
list  of  the  captured  cities,  and  a  number  of  these,  as 
Taanach,  Shunem,  Mahanaim,  Gibeon,  Bethhoron, 
Aijalon,  Megiddo,  and  Beth-Anoth,  belong  to  the 
north.  We  may  conclude  from  this  that  the  campaign 
was  not  directed  solely  against  Jerusalem  by  a  power 
friendly  to  Jeroboam,  but  was  against  the  whole  land, 
and  that  for  the  sake  of  Egyptian  prestige.  However, 
she  did  not  again  interfere  with  Palestine  during  this 
period. 

In  918  B.c.  Abijah  succeeded  his  father  as  king  of 
Judah,  and  continued  the  hostilities  against  Jeroboam, 
but  with  little  success  (I  Kgs.  xv.  7).  The  account  in 
Chronicles  of  a  great  battle  when  Abijah  took  three 
cities.  Bethel,  Jashanah,  and  Ephron,  from  Israel  is 
throughout  in  the  editor’s  own  language,  and  has  no 
support  in  other  sources.  It  is,  at  least,  unquestion¬ 
ably  overdrawn  (II  Chr.  xiii.  3-21). 

Nadab,  who  succeeded  Jeroboam  in  915  b.c.,  had  a 
short  and  troubled  reign  (I  Kgs.  xv.  25-28).  He  at¬ 
tacked  the  Philistines,  who  had  a  stronghold  in  Gib- 
bethon  on  the  west  frontier  of  Ephraim.  But  trouble 
was  brewing  in  the  camp  of  Israel.  Jeroboam  had 
suffered  inroads  from  Egypt.  Hereditary  monarchy 
did  not  sit  lightly  on  the  congeries  of  the  ten  northern 
tribes.  Baasha  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar,  a  general  in  the 
army,  slew  his  master,  and  was  crowned  king  in  913 
b.c.  He  then  slew  the  whole  house  of  Jeroboam,  and 


128  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


proceeded  to  strengthen  the  kingdom.  He  began  to 
fortify  Ramah,  an  important  caravan  intersection, 
only  six  miles  north  of  Jerusalem  (I  Kgs.  xv.  16-21). 
For  both  defensive  and  offensive  purposes,  this  was 
strategic  for  Israel,  but  it  contained  a  threat  to  the 
south.  Asa,  the  third  king  in  Judah,  who  began  to  rule 
in  916  B.C.,  interpreted  this  in  the  most  natural  way 
and,  considering  only  his  immediate  need,  made  over¬ 
tures  to  Benhadad  of  Syria  to  break  his  previous  alli¬ 
ance  with  Israel  and  come  to  the  aid  of  Judah  (I  Kgs. 
XV.  18-21).  The  king  of  Damascus  readily  assented, 
sent  his  armies  into  northern  Israel,  captured  Ijon, 
Dan,  Abel-beth-Macaah,  the  Galilee  region,  and  all  of 
Naphthali,  and  thus  opened  up  for  himself  a  much- 
coveted  outlet  to  the  sea.  Thus  there  was  lost  to 
Israel  most  important  territory,  and  there  began  a 
little  before  900  b.c.  what  has  been  aptly  termed  “the 
hundred  years’  war  between  Syria  and  Israel.” 

To  meet  this  attack  Baasha  had  to  move  his  army 
to  the  north,  and  this  gave  Asa  an  opportunity  he 
could  not  let  slip.  He  rallied  all  his  people,  and  carried 
off  the  stone  and  timber  his  enemy  had  collected  at 
Ramah.  Some  of  this  material  he  reerected  at  Geba, 
about  a  mile  eastward  of  Ramah,  where  he  commanded 
the  best  approaches  from  both  the  north  and  the 
south,  and  made  it  the  northern  outpost  of  Judah, 
while  the  rest  he  transported  to  another  fortification 
at  Mizpah  on  the  northwest  frontier  (I  Kgs.  xv.  22). 

Asa’s  strength  is  further  celebrated  in  Chronicles, 
where  in  the  usually  glowing  style  of  the  author,  he 
is  credited  with  having  defeated  Zerah,  the  Cushite, 
with  great  slaughter  (II  Chr.  xiv.  9-15).  There  is 
good  evidence  of  the  existence  of  an  Arabian  tribe  of 
Cushites.  This  may  be  the  memory  of  one  of  their 
raids  on  the  southland  which  was  repulsed  by  the  good 
king. 

Baasha,  the  usurper  in  Israel,  was  succeeded  by  his 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


129 


son  Elah  in  889  b.c.,  who  in  the  following  year,  with  all 
his  house,  fell  by  the  hand  of  Zimri,  who  was  captain 
of  half  of  the  chariots  (I  Kgs.  xvi.  8-14).  Zimri,  the 
assassin,  had  short  shrift,  as  Omri,  captain  of  the  host 
that  was  then  sieging  Gibbethon,  marched  to  the 
palace,  and  burned  it  to  the  ground.  Here  Zimri,  a 
king  for  seven  days,  perished. 

C — National  Conditions 

During  this  half  century  national  conditions  of  both 
kingdoms  were  a  sorry  picture.  Economically  the 
eclipse  had  been  immediate.  Tribute  gone,  control 
of  merchandise  lost,  income  from  taxation  reduced, 
slave  work  greatly  lessened,  both  north  and  south 
alike  had  been  reduced  to  straits.  Shields  of  gold  in 
the  south  had  been  replaced  by  shields  of  copper,  and 
the  tents  of  Israel  now  took  the  place  of  palaces.  In 
both  countries  they  were  again  at  the  beginning  of 
things,  and  before  each  lay  a  long  struggle  for  wealth 
and  authority.  The  social  life  had  been  reduced  to 
much  simpler  forms  than  in  the  preceding  reign.  The 
north,  particularly,  had  reverted  almost  to  the  early 
peasant  type.  No  permanent  site  was  selected  as 
capital.  Jeroboam  at  first  settled  in  Shechem  and 
fortified  it  (I  Kgs.  xii.  25).  Then  he  moved  across 
the  Jordan,  perhaps  influenced  by  the  presence  of  the 
Egyptian  army,  to  Penuel  (I  Kgs.  xii.  25),  and  later 
he  returned  to  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  settled  in 
Tirzah  (I  Kgs.  xiv.  17).  He  had  no  harem,  and  we 
have  no  notice  of  anything  approaching  a  cabinet. 
The  army  was  the  power  in  the  land,  and  in  less  than 
half  a  century,  three  kings  had  been  slain  and  the 
throne  occupied  by  army  officers.  It  was  a  military 
despotism  without  so  commanding  a  figure  as  David 
or  Saul  to  direct  the  line  of  battle. 

In  religion  there  was  reaction  in  both  countries. 


130  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Jeroboam  and  the  north  did  not  forsake  the  worship 
of  Yahweh.  The  name  Yahweh  formed  part  of  his 
son’s  name,  Abijah.  The  prophets  had  selected  him 
as  king  before  the  disruption,  and  supported  him 
throughout  his  reign.  The  people,  who,  no  doubt, 
continued  to  be  worshipers  of  Yahweh,  maintained 
their  confidence  in  him  to  the  end.  But  he  led  the 
people  in  revolt  against  the  new  movements  that  had 
developed  in  Jerusalem  under  Solomon.  He  estab¬ 
lished  a  sacred  festival  for  all  the  people  (I  Kgs.  xii. 
32,  33).  He  restored  and  dignified  the  worship  at 
ancient  shrines  that  had  been  threatened  with  eclipse 
by  the  innovations  at  Jerusalem  (I  Kgs.  xii.  27-31). 
At  some  of  these  sanctuaries,  the  sanctions  of  which 
ran  back  to  the  time  of  the  patriarchs,  he  constructed 
some  kind  of  temple  (I  Kgs.  xii.  31).  Two  places,  held 
in  peculiar  reverence  from  early  days,  were  singled 
out  for  special  honor,  Dan  and  Bethel,  and  in  each 
one  he  erected  a  bull  of  gold  (I  Kgs.  xii.  27-31).  In 
this  he  was  following  ancient  custom.  Worship  under 
such  forms  was  almost  universal  among  the  Semitic 
people.  Indications  show  that  Israel,  in  her  early 
nomadic  days,  used  many  of  the  same  religious  forms 
as  her  kin.  The  twelve  oxen  bearing  up  the  brazen 
sea  in  front  of  the  temple  (I  Kgs.  vii.  25),  the  oxen 
supporting  the  canopy  in  Ezekiel’s  vision  (Ezk.  i.,  x.), 
and  the  strange  bull  forms  woven  on  the  veil  of  the 
Holy  of  Holies  (Ex.  xxvi.  31;  cf.  I  Kgs.  vi.  29,  23) 
most  likely  were  associated  definitely  with  past  forms 
of  worship.  Indeed  Yahweh  himself  was  at  one  time 
represented  by  and  spoken  of  as  a  bull  (Ex.  xxxii.  5). 
Whether  Jeroboam  was  influenced  by  early  Hebrew, 
nomadic  customs,  or  whether  it  was  the  immediate 
influence  of  Canaanitish  worship  with  which  they  had 
been  familiar  for  approximately  three  centuries,  we 
can  scarcely  question  that  the  purpose  of  these  sym¬ 
bols,  to  his  mind,  was  the  worship  of  Yahweh. 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


131 


He  also  made  priests  from  among  the  common 
people  that  were  not  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  (I  Kgs.  xii. 
31).  This  was  democratic.  It  was  the  ancient  prac¬ 
tice  from  patriarchal  days.  Until  after  the  days  of 
Solomon  we  find  men  from  all  the  tribes  acting  as 
priests,  with  a  good  conscience  and  without  criticism. 
In  Jerusalem,  Abiathar  and  Zadok,  sons  of  Aaron, 
had  preeminence,  and  were  the  basis  of  a  new  order. 
In  this  action  Jeroboam,  though  criticized  severely 
by  a  later  generation,  but  followed  the  way  of  the 
fathers.  An  unnamed  prophet  is  made  the  mouth¬ 
piece  of  a  Deuteronomic  condemnation  (I  Kgs.  xiii. 
1-34),  but  if  we  blame  him  for  his  religious  activity, 
it  must  be  on  the  score  of  his  conservatism. 

This  was  a  time  in  which  the  prophets  could  breathe. 
So  we  meet  Ahijah,  Jehu,  and  Shemiah,  while  a  num¬ 
ber  of  anonymous  prophets  are  the  bearers  of  im¬ 
portant  messages.  A  careful  study  of  all  these  makes 
it  difficult  to  tell  how  far  the  prophets  of  his  own  day 
were  with  the  king  at  the  close  of  his  reign.  We  are, 
however,  not  left  in  any  uncertainty  as  to  the  judg¬ 
ment  of  the  compiler,  who  was  the  inheritor  of  the 
later  prophetic  ideals. 

In  the  south,  the  history  of  religion  was  different. 
The  splendor  was  gone,  but  the  temple  still  remained. 
The  population  to  which  it  ministered  was  much 
smaller  than  previously,  hence  it  was  more  central  to 
its  constituency.  The  population  was  cut  off  from 
world-life,  hence  outside  influences  did  not  now  play 
on  Jerusalem  and  the  temple  as  of  yore.  Thus  the 
religious  coordination  of  all  of  Judah  was  easily 
possible.  Further,  as  the  temple  was  the  one  outstand¬ 
ing  feature  in  the  life  of  Judah,  their  one  glory,  we 
may  expect  the  development  of  more  intense  religious 
conceptions.  Later  we  shall  see  that  it  was  from 
Judah,  and  usually  from  the  temple  itself,  that  there 
sprung  most  of  the  reform  movements  of  Old  Testa- 


132  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


ment  history.  One  such  movement,  perhaps  the  least 
significant  of  all,  but  blazing  the  trail  for  others,  was 
fathered  by  Asa  (I  Kgs.  xv.  12,  13).  It  is  reported 
that  some  of  the  most  licentious  rites  that  were  asso¬ 
ciated  with  worship  were  forbidden,  and  some  of  the 
devotees  were  banished  from  the  land.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  a  long  history  of  the  purification  of  the 
worship  of  Yahweh. 

The  work  and  the  attitude  of  the  editor  of  the 
books  of  Kings  needs  a  further  word  of  explanation. 
He  condemned  all  the  kings  of  Israel  without  excep¬ 
tion,  and  that  because  of  the  worship  that  was  carried 
on  outside  of  Jerusalem.  All  the  kings  of  Judah  until 
Josiah  are  blamed  for  permitting  the  hillside  worship 
to  remain.  It  is  evident  that  this  condemnation  comes 
from  an  idealist  of  a  later  day,  and  that  it  is  not  the 
judgment  of  a  contemporary.  The  point  of  view  of 
the  editor  is  correct.  It  is  the  testimony  of  history. 
The  hillside  worship,  both  north  and  south,  as  well 
as  the  calf-worship  at  Dan  and  Bethel,  did  lead  to 
licentiousness.  These  places  were  open  to  all  the  cor¬ 
rupting  influences  of  Canaan  and  Phoenicia.  Each 
altar  was  independent,  and  its  customs  were  developed 
under  the  local  priesthood.  All  this  led  to  loose  prac¬ 
tices  and  to  very  imperfect  views  of  deity.  It  is  true 
that  these  high  places,  as  Bethel,  Shiloh,  Nob,  Hebron, 
and  many  others,  had  long  been  held  sacred  because  of 
the  religious  experiences  and  worship  of  their  an¬ 
cestors  in  these  places.  They  had  always  been  con¬ 
sidered  legitimate.  But  the  days  of  Jeroboam  were 
new  days.  Changes  had  come,  progress  had  been  made, 
and  new  dangers  were  present.  Jeroboam,  a  national 
leader,  should  have  had  broader  vision  than  the  early 
patriarchs.  He  should  have  been  a  leader  in  spiritual 
worship.  But  the  old  ways  suited  him.  By  clinging 
to  them  he  was  able  to  hold  his  people.  In  so  far  as 
he  might  have  done  better,  marking  a  forward  step 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


133 


rather  than  beating  time,  he  was  blameworthy.  But 
that  would  be  asking  a  king  to  be  a  prophet  and  a 
martyr,  and  a  man  in  the  tenth  century  b.c.  to  have 
the  vision  of  a  man  in  the  seventh.  The  editor  of 
our  documents  was  not  interested  in  the  kings  or  their 
achievements  in  the  light  of  the  moral  and  religious 
conceptions  of  their  own  age,  but  visited  on  them  the 
condemnation  of  his  own  age. 


CHAPTER  XII 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 

The  Second  Period,  the  Omri-Ahab  Dynasty, 

887-842  B.c. 

The  Kings 

Israel  Judah 

Zimri  887  Asa  917 

Omri  887 

Ahab  875  Jehoshaphat  876 

Abijah  853 

Jehoram  851-842  Ahaziah  843-842 

I  Kings  xvi.  16—11  Kings  ix.  28;  II  Chronicles 

XVII. — XXII.  9 

A — Historical  Sketch 

The  half  century  preceding  Omri  was  one  of  chaos 
and  loss.  Omri,  not  only  a  soldier,  but  a  statesman 
as  well,  turned  the  tide  (I  Kgs.  xvi.  17-28).  The  book 
of  Kings  allots  to  him  only  thirteen  verses,  and  only 
one-third  of  this  is  drawn  from  the  annals,  yet  so 
great  were  his  achievements  that  for  a  century  the 
Assyrians  called  all  Palestine  the  ^dand  of  Omri.^^ 
During  his  twelve  years’  reign  he  at  least  laid  the 
basis  for  national  strength.  Early  in  his  career  he 
suppressed  a  local  uprising  in  favor  of  one  Tibni,  who 
is  otherwise  unknown.  He  held  the  Philistines  in 
check.  He  strengthened  his  country  by  an  alliance 

134 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


135 


with  Tyre,  marrying  Ahab,  his  son,  to  Jezebel,  daugh¬ 
ter  of  Ithbaal,  king  of  Tyre.  He  at  least  paved  the 
way  for  happy  relationship  with  Judah.  The  testi¬ 
mony  comes  from  Moab  that  ‘‘Omri  was  king  over 
Israel,  and  oppressed  Moab  a  long  time,  for  Chemosh 
was  wrath  with  his  land”  (Moabite  stone).  The  song 
in  Numbers  xxi.  27-30  is  thought  by  many  to  celebrate 
this  ancient  victory,  which  is  not  referred  to  in  the 
historical  books.  But  his  genius  is  seen  in  his  selection 
and  his  fortification  of  the  hill  of  Samaria,  where  he 
built  his  capital  city.  Because  of  its  central  location 
and  its  possibility  of  defense,  it  was  the  most  strategic 
place  in  the  land.  With  all  his  strength,  he  was  never¬ 
theless  unable  to  meet  Syria  on  even  terms,  and  was 
compelled  to  grant  her  certain  commercial  privileges 
in  the  city  of  Samaria  (I  Kgs.  xx.  34). 

Ahab,  his  son,  was  a  man  of  the  same  spirit  (I  Kgs. 
xvi.  29 — xxii.  40).  He  prized  the  alliance  with  Tyre, 
and  entered  into  a  similar  compact  with  Judah,  his 
daughter  Athaliah  being  given  in  marriage  to  Jehoram, 
son  of  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah.  In  856  b.c.  the  Syrians 
penetrated  the  country  as  far  as  Samaria,  but  were 
put  to  flight  with  great  slaughter  (I  Kgs.  xx.  1-25). 
The  next  year  they  again  attacked,  but  were  met  at 
Aphek,  perhaps  east  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  were 
again  routed  by  Ahab,  Benhadad,  the  Syrian  king 
being  captured  (I  Kgs.  xx.  26-34).  Ahab  let  the 
enemy  off  lightly,  too  lightly  indeed  for  some  of  the 
fiery  spirits  of  the  country  (I  Kgs.  xx.  35-43).  The 
immediately  following  events,  however,  suggest  that 
the  king  acted  wisely. 

Assyria  had  been  rapidly  gaining  strength  for  a 
half  a  century,  and  had  been  sending  her  conquering 
hosts  north  and  south  and  east.  Between  860  and 
855  B.C.,  in  three  great  campaigns,  she  had  reduced  the 
peoples  lying  between  Nineveh  and  Damascus  to  sub¬ 
jection.  Some  twenty  years  before  this  her  armies 


136  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


had  reached  the  Mediterranean,  and  she  had  exacted 
tribute  from  all  northern  Syria.  She  was  again  ready 
to  claim  her  ancient  territory,  and  in  854  b.c.  her 
armies  were  on  the  march.  The  little  kingdoms  of 
Syria  must  have  seen  the  gathering  cloud  for  some 
years,  and  now  a  hasty  alliance  was  arranged.  Ben- 
hadad  of  Damascus,  Ahab  of  Israel,  who  had  ten  thou¬ 
sand  soldiers  and  two  thousand  chariots,  according  to 
the  Assyrian  statistics,  and  their  allies,  eleven  Syrian 
kings  in  all,  with  their  armies  marched  north  to  inter¬ 
cept  the  invader.  They  met  the  army  of  Shalmaneser 
II  at  Karkar  in  854  b.c.,  one  of  our  earliest  fixed  dates, 
and  engaged  in  battle.  The  Assyrian  annals  claim  a 
complete  victory,  but  it  was  probably  rather  indecisive, 
as  it  was  five  years  before  they  again  risked  a  cam¬ 
paign  in  the  west.  It  was  not  hkely  a  Syrian  victory, 
for  the  Old  Testament  gives  no  hint  of  it. 

In  853  B.c.  we  find  Israel  again  at  war  with  Syria,  its 
recent  ally.  Apparently  Benhadad  had  not  lived  up 
to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  856  b.c.,  for  he  still  occu¬ 
pied  Ramoth-Gilead  (I  Kgs.  xxii.  3).  Ahab  called  his 
ally  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah  to  his  assistance  and,  though 
warned  of  disaster  by  Micaiah,  the  prophet,  he  laid 
siege  to  the  city  (I  Kgs.  xxii.  1 — xxiii.).  Though  dis¬ 
guised,  owing  to  his  fear,  the  king  of  Israel  was  slain 
by  accident,  and  the  day  was  lost.  His  sons,  Ahaziah 
and  then  Jehoram,  in  turn  ruled,  but  neither  was  able 
to  stem  the  tide  of  defeat.  Moab  freed  herself  on 
the  death  of  Ahab,  and  an  attempt  to  reduce  her  to 
submission  proved  futile  (II  Kgs.  i.  1;  iii.  4-27;  cf. 
Moabite  stone).  Syria  most  likely  overran  the  coun¬ 
try  from  853  until  849  b.c.  From  849  until  839  b.c. 
Shalmaneser  II  of  Assyria  hurled  his  army  four  times 
against  Damascus,  and  so  crippled  her  power  that  for 
a  quarter  of  a  century  she  did  not  molest  Israel  or 
Judah.  In  Israel,  however,  partly  because  of  the  in¬ 
efficiency  of  the  rulers,  partly  owing  to  the  religious 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM  137 

and  the  political  cleavages,  the  house  of  Omri  was 
doomed. 

Economic  Growth — Economically,  however,  the 
north  had  made  considerable  gain.  The  lavish  tribute 
exacted  from  Moab,  one  hundred  thousand  rams  and 
the  wool  of  one  hundred  thousand  lambs,  must  have 
greatly  assisted  in  the  development  of  the  country. 
Omri  did  considerable  building,  Ahab  did  more. 
Jericho  was  rebuilt,  and  thus  Israel  controlled  and  was 
benefited  by  the  traffic  from  the  east  of  the  Jordan 
(I  Kgs.  xvi.  34).  It  was  a  time  of  increasing  luxury, 
and  the  king’s  palace  in  Esdraelon  (I  Kgs.  xxi.  1), 
and  the  ivory  palace  of  Ahab  in  Samaria  (I  Kgs.  xxii. 
39)  were  but  signs  of  the  times.  The  excavations 
conducted  by  the  University  of  Harvard,  beginning 
1908,  actually  uncovered  what  may  be  the  founda¬ 
tions  of  Ahab’s  ivory  palace,  and  in  many  ways  cor¬ 
roborate  this  picture.  If  Omri  might  be  called  the 
David  of  Israel,  then  Ahab  somewhat  closely  approxi¬ 
mated  the  Solomon,  and  the  glories  of  the  earlier  reign 
were  in  part  duplicated  in  Samaria. 

Judah  lived  under  the  shadow  of  Israel,  and  shared 
partly  in  her  prosperity.  Jehoshaphat  planned  to 
emulate  Solomon  as  a  master  of  merchant  marine, 
but  failed  (I  Kgs.  xxii.  48).  She  also  suffered  the  loss 
of  her  chief  tributary  states,  Edom  and  Libnah,  after 
the  death  of  Jehoshaphat  (I  Kgs.  xxii.  47;  II  Kgs. 
viii.  22).  A  wave  of  prosperity  was  perhaps  followed 
by  one  of  depression. 

B — Religious  Influences 

But  the  religious  struggle  was  the  most  significant 
of  the  period.  Our  records  preserve  a  wealth  of  de¬ 
tail  and  interpretation.  It  was  during  these  years 
that  there  came  the  climax  of  a  long  period  of  associa¬ 
tion  with,  and  assimilation  of,  neighboring  worship. 


138  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  religion  of  Canaan  was  essentially  a  nature  wor¬ 
ship.  Male  and  female  deities,  Baal  and  Baalath,  the 
givers  of  fertility  were  worshiped.  The  bull  and  the 
cow  were  their  symbols.  At  the  chief  agricultural 
seasons,  seeding  time  and  harvest,  religious  festivals 
were  held.  Sacrifices  and  agricultural  products  were 
offered  the  gods,  and  many  indulged  in  licentious  rites. 
This  worship  was  part  of  the  necessary  agricultural 
duties  of  the  farmer.  Hence  it  must  have  penetrated 
most  of  the  Israelitish  life. 

With  Omri  and  Ahab  we  pass  into  another  stage 
of  the  struggle.  Israel  had  seen  Phoenician  religion 
at  close  quarters  since  the  time  when  Solomon  had  so 
many  Tyrians  in  his  employ.  Now,  Tyrian  Baalism 
was  the  religion  of  the  one  queen  of  the  land.  Jezebel, 
a  woman  of  purpose  and  strength,  the  daughter  of 
Ithbaal,  the  priest  of  Melkart,  who  had  usurped  the 
throne  of  Tyre  in  888  b.c.,  had  brought  her  gods,  Mel¬ 
kart  and  Astarte,  with  her  to  Samaria.  Altars  must  be 
erected  for  them,  and  their  priests  must  come  to  per¬ 
form  their  ritual.  It  is  possible  that  Ashera,  the 
symbol  of  the  female  deity,  were  erected  beside  all 
the  altars.  Hence  Tyrian  Baalism  occupied  a  place  of 
great  prestige  in  the  land.  A  further  danger  lay  in 
its  resemblance  to  the  Canaanitish  worship,  towards 
which  many  were  predisposed  by  long  acquaintance. 
In  fact,  the  worship  of  Tyre  was  probably  Canaanitish 
agricultural  worship,  transformed  under  the  cosmo¬ 
politan  conditions  of  the  seaport  town.  It  was  there¬ 
fore  more  ornate,  more  lavish  in  its  ritual,  more  sensual 
in  its  development,  and  on  the  whole  more  pretentious. 
Hence  it  was  more  subtly  attractive  to  the  Israelites, 
among  whom  it  now  carried  on  a  missionary  propa¬ 
ganda.  To  the  untainted  worshiper  of  the  Yahweh 
of  the  early  days,  it  was  the  essence  of  all  that  was 
false  and  abhorrent. 

The  champion  of  the  ancient  religion  did  not  come 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


139 


from  the  cities  of  Israel  or  Judah,  nor  even  from  the 
farms  in  the  northern  valleys.  The  desert  alone  was 
likely  to  produce  an  Elijah,  clear-eyed,  passionate,  and 
uncompromising  in  his  allegiance  to  Yahweh.  Bred 
in  the  desert,  he  had  not  been  contaminated  with  the 
soft  ways  of  city  culture.  The  simpler  modes  of  the 
desert  worship  alone  were  known  to  him.  Yahweh 
alone  was  his  God.  West  of  the  Jordan,  the  Baal 
were  to  him  in  form  and  fact  usurping  the  place  of 
the  nation’s  God.  His  anger  blazed  forth.  He  must 
many  times  have  denounced  the  prevalent  foreign 
worship.  A  famine  fell  on  the  land.  Surely  this  was 
the  sign  of  Yahweh’s  wrath.  The  story  does  not  per¬ 
mit  us  to  follow  Elijah  step  by  step,  but  he  was  in¬ 
deed  ^^a  troubler  of  Israel.”  He  condemned  the  grow¬ 
ing  cult  in  the  royal  court,  and  challenged  Baalism  for 
evidence  of  its  worth.  A  splendid  contest,  the  culmi¬ 
nation  of  a  long  struggle,  was  staged  on  Mount  Carmel. 
Elijah,  the  heroic  figure,  stood  alone.  But  Yahweh 
was  not  only  vindicated  by  famine,  but  also  by  fire 
and  by  rain.  Ahab  was  convinced,  and  the  first 
battle  was  won  (I  Kgs.  xviii.  1-46). 

His  long  sojourn  on  Horeb  was  preparatory  to  the 
second  and  more  thoroughgoing  effort  to  overthrow 
Baalism.  Here  he  learned  the  lesson  that  what  miracle 
cannot  do  the  slow-working  forces  of  human  history 
may  achieve.  Yahweh  was  not  in  the  earthquake, 
nor  in  the  fire,  but  was  in  the  ^^sound  of  gentle  still¬ 
ness  (I  Kgs.  xix.  12).  Political  intrigue  can  accomplish 
what  cataclysms  of  nature  cannot.  So  the  prophet, 
using  the  methods  of  his  day,  set  in  motion  those 
forces  that  ultimately  overthrew  the  ruling  dynasties 
in  Damascus  and  Israel  (I  Kgs.  xix.  15-17).  These 
seemed  so  tainted  with  disloyalty  to  Yahweh,  and  so 
confirmed  in  their  evil  ways,  that  so  long  as  they 
ruled  there  could  be  no  true  worship.  The  work 
Elijah  thus  conceived  was  carried  out  under  the  direc- 


140  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


tion  of  Elisha,  his  successor  and  the  leader  of  the 
prophetic  bands,  but  a  man  much  more  kindly  dis¬ 
posed  towards  civilization  than  was  his  stern  master. 

The  spirit  of  Elijah  was  further  shown  in  his  attack 
on  Ahab  because  of  the  appropriation  of  Naboth’s 
vineyard  (I  Kgs.  xxi.  1-27).  In  refusing  to  part  with 
his  vineyard,  Naboth  was  influenced  by  an  early 
religious  idea  that  the  family  inheritance,  having  come 
from  God,  could  not  be  alienated  from  the  descend¬ 
ants.  Such  was  the  old  Israelitish  custom,  but  Tyre 
had  a  different  set  of  customs.  Jezebel  gained,  as 
would  any  Oriental  monarch,  by  compulsion  what 
Ahab,  because  of  his  consideration  for  the  people  and 
their  prejudices,  could  not  obtain.  But  Elijah  was 
incensed  that  an  ancient  custom  that  preserved  the 
rights  of  the  common  people  should  be  trampled  on 
in  so  outrageous  a  manner  by  those  who  had  so  devi¬ 
ated  from  the  true  worship.  Such  violations  of  ancient 
rights  and  privileges  could  surely  end  in  no  other  way 
than  the  annihilation  of  the  ruling  house  (I  Kgs. 
xxi.  17-24). 

The  Schools  of  the  Prophets — Elijah’s  relation  to 
the  schools  of  the  prophets  is  not  certain.  These  were 
small  bands  of  patriotic-minded  zealots.  They  were 
Yahweh  worshipers,  and  stimulated  the  interest  in 
national  wars,  and  perhaps  helped  to  inspire  the 
fighters  (I  Kgs.  xviii.  13;  xxii.  6;  II  Kgs.  ii.  7).  The 
prophet  usually  appeared  as  a  lone  figure  on  the 
horizon,  though  we  do  on  occasion  find  him  in  the  midst 
of  the  oflicial  group.  He  was  at  least  a  kindred  spirit 
with  these  as  well  as  another  group  that  had  its  origin 
about  this  time.  The  Rechabites,  a  sect  about  which 
we  know  very  little,  arose  as  a  protest  against  the 
conditions  of  the  day.  They  were  unalterably  opposed 
to  the  developing  civilization.  Their  oath  obliged 
them  to  drink  no  wine,  build  no  houses,  sow  no  seed, 
plant  or  own  no  vineyard,  but  to  live  perpetually  in 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


141 


tents  (Jer.  xxxv.  6-10).  They  were  akin  to  the 
Nazarites  (cf.  Nu.  vi.  1-4),  and  were  the  exponents  of 
the  simple,  nomadic  life.  They  believed  that  in  this 
type  of  life  Yahweh  had  revealed  himself  to  the 
fathers,  and  that  only  in  that  type  would  he  continue 
with  his  people.  They  were  the  conservatives,  and 
failed  to  realize  that  a  high  type  of  religion  might  go 
with  a  well-developed  civilization.  Elijah  had  the 
same  historical  background  as  these,  and  in  part  ex¬ 
pressed  similar  ideas. 

The  dramatic  coloring  of  the  Elijah  stories  makes  it 
difficult  sometimes  to  discern  the  historic  thread.  But 
through  all  there  rises  before  us  an  ascetic  figure  from 
the  desert,  who  challenged  an  enemy  who  had  gained 
the  protection  of  the  court,  a  man  who  gave  no  quarter 
to  the  foe,  but  single-handed  waged  a  warfare  and  set 
in  motion  those  forces  that  ultimately  purged  the  wor¬ 
ship  of  Yahweh  from  the  most  insidious  influences 
that  ever  beset  it.  By  his  attack  on  Baalism  he  helped 
to  save  the  social  and  moral  purity  of  his  people. 
Stories  any  less  ornate  would  have  poorly  served  to 
preserve  the  true  worth  of  this  superbly  imposing 
antagonist  of  an  encroaching  paganism. 

Along  side  of  Elijah  is  another  character,  Micaiah- 
ben-Imlah,  who  marks  an  epoch  in  Old  Testament 
religion  (I  Kgs.  xxii.  5-28).  He  also  stood  alone.  Only 
once  does  he  appear  in  our  records,  and  then  he  is  a 
messenger  of  woe.  The  four  hundred  sons  of  the 
prophets  had  assured  Ahab  and  Jehoshaphat  that  Yah¬ 
weh  would  deliver  Ramoth-Gilead  into  their  hands. 
Micaiah  could  see  no  such  happy  ending  for  leaders 
who  were  essentially  disloyal  to  God.  This  is  one 
of  the  early  notes  in  that  great  chorus  in  which  we 
hear,  with  varying  intonation,  that  Yahweh  is  a  God 
of  character  and  is  no  respecter  of  persons. 


142  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


C — Writing 

The  art  of  writing  was  perhaps  more  prevalent  now 
than  in  any  previous  period  in  Israel’s  history.  The 
internal  evidence,  as  well  as  the  general  fact  that  the 
civilization  of  the  nation  was  now  a  century  old,  would 
support  this  conclusion.  Excavations  also  assure  us 
of  the  fact.  Here  belongs  the  Moabite  stone,  with 
its  important  historical  inscription,  written  in  the 
characters  of  the  old  Phoenician  alphabet.  Potsherds 
belonging  to  the  same  time  were  found  in  Samaria  by 
the  Harvard  University  expedition,  seventy-five  of 
which  have  letters  or  words  using  the  same  script. 
These  add  proof  chiefly  to  the  fact  that  a  conglomerate 
of  races  lived  in  Palestine,  and  to  the  lively  inter¬ 
course  commercially  between  one  part  of  the  country 
and  another.  The  references  to  the  ^'statutes  of 
Omri”  (Mic.  vi.  16)  and  the  law  book  of  Jehoshaphat 
(II  Chr.  xvii.  7-9),  as  well  as  to  Elijah’s  letter  to 
Jehoram  (II  Chr.  xxi.  12-15),  are  not  sufiiciently 
definite  to  determine  what,  if  any,  important  literary 
activity  they  implied,  but  they  do  show  that  later 
generations  looked  back  on  these  days  as  days  of 
literary  progress. 

The  evidence  thus  is  cumulative  that  not  only  was 
there  a  wealth  of  oral  tradition,  stories,  songs,  customs, 
and  national  history,  but  that  in  this  period  there 
were  the  conditions  that  would  foster  literary  activity. 
We  may  be  reasonably  certain  that  now  the  movement 
was  on  that  preserved  to  posterity  much  of  the  early 
history  of  these  people.  As  it  was  not  completed  be¬ 
fore  the  next  period,  the  consideration  of  it  must  be 
left  to  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 

The  Third  Period,  The  Jehu-Jeroboam  Dynasty, 

842-740  B.c. 

The  Kings 


Israel 

Judah 

Jehu 

842 

Ahaziah 

843 

Athaliah 

842 

Joash 

836 

Jehoahaz 

814 

Jehoash 

797 

Amaziah 

796 

Jeroboam  II 

781 

Azariah  (Uzziah) 

782 

Zechariah 

740 

Jotham  (regent) 

751 

II  Kings  viii.  16 — xv.  12;  II  Chronicles  xxi.- 
XXVIII.;  Amos;  Hosea. 

A — Historical  Sketch 

In  Israel  we  again  face  the  forces  of  revolution. 
This  time  it  is  the  outgrowth  of  religion,  which  in 
order  to  accomplish  its  purpose,  allied  itself  with  in¬ 
trepid  military  daring.  The  prophetic  party,  that  had 
been  influenced  by  Elijah  and  his  ideals,  had  been 
adding  to  the  ferment  and  awaiting  its  opportunity 
through  the  reigns  of  Ahaziah  and  Jehoram.  When 
in  844  B.c.  Benhadad  II  of  Syria  fell  ill,  the  hour  for  the 
first  move  had  come.  Elisha  encouraged  Hazael,  a 

143 


144  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Syrian  army  officer,  to  do  away  with  his  royal  master, 
and  take  the  throne  (II  Kgs.  viii.  7-15).  He,  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  narrative,  was  Elijah’s  nominee  for  the 
task  of  scourging  Baalism  out  of  Israel  (I  Kgs.  xix.  15). 

Two  years  later  Jehoram  of  Israel,  assisted  by 
Ahaziah  of  Judah,  taking  advantage  of  the  Assyrian 
campaigns  against  Syria,  endeavored  to  reduce  the 
old  frontier  fortress  of  Ramoth-Gilead  (II  Kgs.  viii. 
20 — ix.  13).  In  the  siege  Jehoram  was  wounded  and 
retired  to  the  castle  in  Jezreel  to  regain  his  strength, 
and  a  short  time  later  Ahaziah  left  the  encampment  to 
visit  his  wounded  relative.  To  the  waiting  prophetic 
group  this  seemed  the  most  favorable  moment  to  carry 
out  the  full  behest  of  Elijah.  One  of  the  prophets, 
at  the  direction  of  Elisha,  hastened  to  the  army  camp, 
called  Jehu  aside,  anointed  him,  and  proclaimed  him 
king  over  Israel.  The  army  officers,  when  apprised 
of  the  action  of  the  ^^mad  man,”  enthusiastically  sym¬ 
bolized  their  allegiance  to  the  new  king. 

Jehu  took  hold  with  a  firm  hand.  He  drove  to 
Jezreel,  and  with  his  own  hand  slew  Jehoram,  while 
some  of  his  guard  slew  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah  (II 
Kgs.  ix.  14r-28).  Jezebel,  the  queen  mother,  defiant 
to  the  last,  was  slain  in  Jezreel  (II  Kgs.  ix.  30-37). 
The  seed  of  the  house  of  Ahab  was  wiped  out.  Forty- 
two  of  the  royal  seed  of  Judah  were  next  murdered, 
and  a  gathering  of  the  prophets  of  Baal  in  their  temple 
was  treacherously  put  to  the  sword  (II  Kgs.  x.  1-28). 
Thus  did  Jehu  destroy  Baal  out  of  Israel.  This  revo¬ 
lution,  inspired  by  Elijah  and  his  band,  was  the  blood¬ 
iest  and  most  disastrous  in  the  nation’s  history.  With 
one  stroke  Israel  cut  herself  off  from  her  alliances 
with  Tyre  and  Judah,  which  had  been  cultivated  dur¬ 
ing  the  Omri-Ahab  regime. 

In  Judah,  Athaliah,  the  queen,  showed  her  temper 
and  her  capacity  (II  Kgs.  xi.  1-3).  Anticipating  an 
insurrection,  she  slew  all  the  royal  seed,  seized  the 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


145 


supreme  power,  and  ruled  for  six  years,  quite  likely 
by  the  aid  of  the  palace  mercenaries.  One  young  boy, 
Joash,  of  the  ruling  house,  escaped  the  general  slaugh¬ 
ter  through  the  alertness  of  his  aunt,  Jehosheba,  the 
wife  of  the  chief  priest. 

The  prophets  believed  that  by  cleansing  the  wor¬ 
ship  from  Baalism  they  would  gain  the  favor  of  Yah- 
weh,  and  thus  insure  the  prosperity  of  the  nation. 
History  writes  the  commentary  on  their  faith.  Israel’s 
international  relationships  were  never  more  unfor¬ 
tunate  than  now.  Immediately  at  the  beginning  of 
the  reign  of  Jehu,  842  b.c.,  the  Assyrian  army,  under 
Shalmaneser  II,  came  west  and  attacked  Hazael.  But 
though  Syria’s  allies  had  mostly  forsaken  her,  and 
her  country  was  ravaged  by  the  enemy,  yet  the  city 
of  Damascus,  into  which  the  king  was  driven,  could 
not  be  taken.  The  neighboring  states,  however,  suf¬ 
fered  severely.  Tribute  was  paid  to  Assyria  by  Tyre 
and  Sidon.  ^Hehu,  the  son  of  Omri,”  also  sent  his 
quota  to  the  Assyrian  king,  ^^silver,  gold,  bowls  of 
gold,  chalices  of  gold,  buckets  of  gold,  bars  of  lead,  a 
royal  scepter,  balsam  wood,”  thereby  expressing  his 
allegiance  to  Shalmaneser.  Thus  the  new  dynasty 
brought  the  nation  at  once  into  Assyrian  bondage. 

After  another  unsuccessful  attack  on  Damascus  in 
839  B.C.,  Assyria,  owing  to  a  vigorous  but  short-lived 
Armenian  dynasty  which  challenged  her  power,  was 
unable  for  thirty-six  years  either  to  send  forces 
against  Damascus  or  assistance  to  Jehu.  During  this 
period  Syria  recovered  sufficiently  to  avenge  herself 
on  Jehu  for  his  alliance  with  Assyria  by  harrying  the 
land  of  Israel.  East  of  the  Jordan,  the  land  of  Gilead, 
Gad,  Reuben,  and  Manasseh  suffered  from  this  raid 
(II  Kgs.  X.  32;  cf.  viii.  12,  13).  A  change  of  dynasty 
and  even  a  change  of  ritual  had  been  followed  by  only 
deeper  disaster  to  the  nation. 

In  836  B.c.  affairs  in  Judah  came  to  a  climax.  The 


146  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATUHE 


priestly  party  under  Jehoiada,  the  chief  priest,  brought 
the  regime  of  Athaliah  to  a  sudden  end  (II  Kgs.  xi. 
4-20).  Joash  was  now  seven  years  of  age.  Athaliah, 
a  woman,  and  a  foreigner  by  her  mother,  could  not 
have  been  entirely  popular.  The  priestly  party  had 
gained  influence  with  the  guard  so  that  they  cove¬ 
nanted  to  protect  the  young  king.  On  a  Sabbath, 
when  all  was  ready,  the  soldiers  were  manipulated  so 
that  all  three  divisions  should  be  on  duty,  then  the 
boy  was  anointed,  crowned,  and  proclaimed  king. 
Athaliah,  who  heard  the  tumult,  came  to  the  temple, 
and  saw  the  cause  of  the  rejoicing.  She  was  thrust 
out  and  slain  by  the  guard. 

Jehu,  after  a  violent  and  only  partially  successful 
reign,  died  in  814  b.c.,  and  his  son,  Jehoahaz,  inherited 
his  throne  and  his  adversaries,  but  not  his  energy. 
Israel  suffered  continuously  at  the  hand  of  Hazael  and 
that  of  his  son,  Benhadad  III  (II  Kgs.  xiii.  1-4).  In 
810  B.c.  the  forces  of  Hazael  penetrated  the  country  as 
far  as  Gath,  and  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem.  Joash,  the 
good  king  of  Judah,  had  to  buy  the  invader  off  by 
spoiling  the  temple  of  all  its  treasure  (II  Kgs.  xii.  17 — 
xiii.  4).  Both  countries  were  in  great  straits  because 
of  the  enemy.  The  only  respite  came  when,  in  803  and 
again  in  797  b.c.,  the  Assyrian  having  mastered  her 
nearer  foes,  again  attacked  Syria,  and  engaged  all  her 
military  resources.  Then  it  was,  in  the  form  of  the 
Assyrian,  that  ^‘Yahweh  gave  Israel  a  Saviour  so  that 
they  went  out  from  under  the  hand  of  the  Syrians’’ 
(II  Kgs.  xiii.  5). 

In  Israel,  Jehoahaz  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
Jehoash,  in  797  b.c.  Little  is  known  of  him  as  a  man, 
but  in  his  days  the  tide  of  fortune  turned.  For  fifty 
years  Syria  had  harried  the  outskirts  of  the  country, 
and  had  even  invaded  the  chief  cities;  now  for  fifty 
years  Israel  was  the  victor.  A  petty  nation,  the  exist¬ 
ence  of  which  has  only  recently  been  discovered,  the 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


147 


kingdom  of  Hazark,  in  north  Syria,  seems  to  have  made 
serious  inroads  on  Syria  at  this  time.  This  may  have 
contributed  to  the  three  victories  Jehoash  gained  over 
his  enemy,  when  he  wrested  from  them  the  border 
cities  that  had  been  taken  from  his  father  (II  Kgs. 

xiii.  25). 

Meanwhile  revolution  was  at  work  in  Judah.  Joash, 
the  child  of  the  priestly  party,  was  slain  by  con¬ 
spirators,  who  were  perhaps  out  of  sympathy  with  the 
reform  movements  in  religion  (II  Kgs.  xii.  20). 
Amaziah,  his  son,  was  made  king  in  his  stead,  and  when 
his  rule  was  established  he  slew  his  father’s  murderers. 
He  made  war  on  Edom,  gained  an  important  victory, 
and  captured  one  of  their  important  cities  (II  Kgs. 

xiv.  1-7).  Then  he  insolently  attacked  Jehoash, 
either  to  throw  off  his  vassalage,  of  which  we  have 
no  other  hint,  or  to  subdue  the  north,  of  which  there 
was  not  the  remotest  possibility  (II  Kgs.  xiv.  7-14). 
He  was  defeated  at  Beth-Shemesh,  taken  prisoner  from 
Lachish  whither  he  had  fled,  two  hundred  yards  of 
the  Jerusalem  wall  were  breached,  the  temple  and  the 
palace  were  plundered  by  the  northern  army,  and 
Judah  was  made  tributary  to  Israel.  Amaziah’s 
failure  was  the  precursor  of  his  assassination.  He 
learned  of  a  conspiracy  in  Jerusalem,  and  again  fled 
to  Lachish,  where  he  was  slain,  and  his  son  reigned  in 
his  stead  (II  Kgs.  xiv.  17-21). 

Brighter  days,  however,  were  on  the  horizon  for 
both  countries.  Syria,  weakened  and  wasted  by 
Assyria  and  Hazark,  was  no  longer  a  menace.  The 
north  held  the  south  apparently  in  an  easy  bondage. 
Two  able  kings,  Azariah  (Uzziah)  in  Judah,  782  b.c., 
and  Jeroboam  II  in  the  north,  781  b.c.,  were  on  the 
respective  thrones.  Peace  within  and  freedom  from 
without  made  possible  the  development  of  the  re¬ 
sources  as  well  as  territorial  expansion. 

Our  sources  in  Kings  merely  hint  at  this  prosperity. 


148  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Azariah  built  Elath  and  restored  it  to  Judah,  and 
Jeroboam  restored  the  old  border  of  Israel  (II  Kgs. 
xiv.  22-27).  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  chronicler, 
in  his  extended  account  of  Uzziah’s  conquest  of  the 
Philistines  and  Arabians,  as  well  as  of  the  building 
operations,  preserved  a  tradition  that  was  founded  on 
important  fact  (II  Chr.  xxvi.  6-15). 

B — Internal  Conditions 

Economic — Fortunately  these  were  the  days  of  the 
beginning  of  written  prophecy,  and  from  these  sources 
we  can,  from  this  time  on,  easily  reconstruct  much 
of  the  picture.  They  fill  in  the  outline  the  history 
suggests.  It  was  the  golden  age  of  Israel.  Shepherds 
and  farmers  had  given  place  to  the  middlemen  and 
the  princes.  Villages  had  grown  to  substantial  cities, 
and  the  simple  ways  of  peasant  life  had  merged  into 
the  luxury  as  well  as  the  license  of  the  metropolis. 
Palaces  had  replaced  mud  huts,  and  marble  and  ivory, 
fine  silk  and  rare  wines,  had  become  the  conspicuous 
symbols  of  high  life.  Peace  and  prosperity  filled  the 
land  as  it  had  not  since  the  time  of  Solomon,  and 
Samaria  and  Jerusalem  had  become  the  rendezvous 
of  the  new  rich.  Of  course,  there  was  the  other  side. 
Penury,  slavery,  and  suffering  were  the  under-side  of 
the  picture.  The  poor  were  exploited.  They  suffered 
much  from  graft,  and  the  upkeep  of  royalty  was  a 
heavy  yoke  upon  them. 

Morals — For  the  moral  aspect  of  the  national  life 
we  have  to  go  chiefly  to  the  great  prophets  of  the 
eighth  century,  Amos,  Hosea,  Micah  i-iii.,  and  Isaiah 
i.-xi.  The  information  here  is  complete  in  all  details, 
and  is  a  duplicate  of  that  always  found  in  similar 
economic  and  national  situations.  The  rapid  accumu¬ 
lation  of  wealth  had  been  accompanied  by  graft, 
bribery,  and  dishonesty.  Oppression,  in  every  form 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


149 


that  the  intellect  could  devise  and  commerce  sustain, 
was  grinding  down  the  unfortunate  poor.  Luxury- 
had  become  the  handmaid  of  immorality,  and  women 
were  the  leaders  in  the  debauchery.  Regicide  was  but 
an  indication  of  the  lawlessness  of  the  age.  Religion 
was  a  cloak  for  the  grossest  conduct.  The  moral  con¬ 
dition,  particularly  in  the  north,  where  the  wealth 
was  greatest,  was  loathsome  to  the  high-minded 
peasant  with  nomadic  blood  in  his  veins. 

Religion — Religiously  the  century  opened  with  a 
revolution  of  one  type;  it  ended  with  one  of  another 
type.  For  the  formal  worship  of  Yahweh,  the  revo¬ 
lution  of  Jehu  in  842  b.c.  was  most  auspicious.  In¬ 
triguing  Baalism,  root  and  branch,  was  annihilated  so 
far  as  that  could  be  done  by  force.  Jonadab-ben- 
Rechab,  the  patron  of  the  nomadic  ideal,  riding  with  the 
king,  was  a  sign  of  the  times  (II  Kgs.  x.  15-17). 
Loyalty  to  Yahweh,  so  far  as  formal  allegiance  was 
concerned,  was  achieved.  Reform  was  also  at  work  in 
the  south.  With  the  overthrow  of  Athaliah,  the 
priests  of  the  temple  became  the  power  behind  the 
throne.  The  temple  was  repaired  and  beautified,  the 
worship  was  perfected,  and  all  the  people  covenanted 
to  be  loyal  to  Yahweh  (II  Kgs.  xi.  4 — xii.  6). 

Hence,  for  a  century  the  worship  of  Yahweh  had 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  religious  leaders.  A 
purified  priesthood  had  given  themselves  with  vigor 
to  their  tasks.  Sacrifices  had  naturally  increased,  the 
niceties  of  ritual  had  been  rounded  out,  altars  in  Israel 
and  the  temple  in  Jerusalem  had  gradually  assumed 
new  dignity,  and  the  festivals  commanded  a  patronage 
hitherto  unknown.  Formally  the  religion  of  Yahweh 
flourished.  But  with  it  all,  Yahweh  had  not  delivered 
his  people  from  the  foreign  tyranny.  Hence,  many 
must  have  felt  that,  though  the  revolution  had  been 
introduced  by  the  prophet,  and  it  had  accentuated 
the  religious  ritual,  there  was  no  adequate  proof  that 


150  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


their  God  favored  the  movement.  Some  early 
theologian  must  surely  have  said  Yahweh  could  not 
be  pleased  with  such  a  massacre  as  Jehu  ordered  in 
the  valley  of  Jezreel  (cf.  Hos.  i.  4). 

What,  then,  does  Yahweh  seek?  That  was  now 
the  serious  question.  Whence  will  the  answer 
come?  That  democratic  spirit  of  the  desert,  where 
all  men  shared  alike,  was  shocked  beyond  measure 
at  the  broad  chasm  between  the  upper  and  the  lower 
classes,  the  luxury  on  the  one  hand  and  the  poverty 
on  the  other,  as  well  as  by  the  flagrant  injustices,  and 
the  lack  of  human  sympathy  that  was  part  of  this 
new  world  of  commerce.  Outbursts  against  the  abuse 
of  privilege,  and  demands  for  the  rights  of  the  indi¬ 
vidual  have  been  recorded  earlier.  But  it  is  in  the 
eighth  century  that  the  growing  indignation  finds 
definite  and  permanent  expression.  It  is  not  strange 
that  the  first  voice  should  be  that  of  a  peasant  farmer. 
These  were  the  people  who  often  suffered  most  and 
profited  least.  As  a  countryman  and  a  Judean,  he 
saw  clearly  the  trend  of  things  in  the  north.  As  an 
individual  unrelated  to  the  prophetic  schools,  he  had 
no  prestige  or  position  to  lose.  As  a  religious  man, 
he  believed  that  God  must  have  indignation  against 
those  prevalent  iniquities  that  stirred  every  right- 
thinking  man  to  the  depth  of  his  nature.  So  Amos, 
towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II  (cir. 
760  B.C.),  could  hold  his  peace  no  longer.  At  Bethel, 
at  one  of  the  great  religious  festivals,  he  denounced  the 
prevalent  injustices  and  railed  at  the  religious  con¬ 
ceptions  of  the  day.  God  was  righteous,  and  cared 
for  righteousness  more  than  he  cared  for  ritual  or  for 
race  (Amos  v.  4 — 9,  21-27;  ix.  7-8).  To  a  nation  so 
wholly  abandoned  to  evil  as  was  Israel  nothing  but  de¬ 
struction  lay  in  the  future  (Amos  i.,  ii.,  iii.  9— iv.  3; 
V.  1-3,  16-20;  vii.  14-17). 

Hosea,  a  northerner,  a  few  years  later  delivered  a 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


151 


similar  message,  adding  out  of  his  own  experience  a 
note  of  very  great  tenderness.  As  he  loved  his  erring 
wife,  surely  God,  who  was  kinder  than  man,  loved 
wayward  Israel  (Hos.  i.  iii.).  Both  prophets  agreed 
in  attacking  the  reigning  house  as  vigorously  as  their 
predecessors  of  a  century  earlier  had  denounced  the 
house  of  Omri.  But  the  point  of  attack  was  far  differ¬ 
ent.  There  it  was  ritual  chiefly,  here  it  is  ethics 
chiefly.  These  two  prophets  opened  an  epoch  in  re¬ 
ligion  by  their  emphasis  on  the  true  place  of  morality 
with  an  intensity  hitherto  unknown. 

Moral  Consciousness  Developing — ^We  have  a 
glimpse  into  a  movement  parallel  with  the  prophets, 
and  no  doubt  influenced  by  the  same  spirit  that 
prompted  them.  When  Amaziah  of  Judah  came  to  the 
throne  we  are  told  that  he  slew  his  servants,  who 
had  slain  the  king,  his  father.  Then  follows  the 
arresting  sentence,  which  shows  the  development  of 
the  moral  consciousness  of  the  nation.  ^‘But  the 
children  of  the  murderers  he  put  not  to  death”  (II 
Kgs.  xiv.  5-6).  This  is  a  far  advance  from  early 
practice  (cf.  Josh.  vii.  24-26;  II  Sam.  xxL;  II  Kgs.  ix. 
26).  It  is,  as  our  editor  assures  us,  in  accord  with  the 
law  of  Deuteronomy  (II  Kgs.  xiv.  6;  cf.  Dt.  xxiv.  16). 
The  law,  no  doubt,  grew  out  of  precedent,  and  pre¬ 
cedent  was  founded  in  the  conscience  of  the  age.  This 
is  one  of  the  straws  that  shows  the  trend  of  national 
thought. 

Primitive  Ideas — ^With  all  these  indications  of 
progress  we  need  not  be  surprised  that  many  still  re¬ 
tained  in  their  thinking  some  of  the  imperfect  ideals 
of  the  past.  The  limitation  of  Yahweh  to  the  soil  of 
Palestine  is  one  of  these  conceptions.  Elijah  agreed 
with  Naaman  when  he  wished  two  cart  loads  of  Pales¬ 
tinian  soil,  so  that  he  might  worship  Yahweh  thereon 
in  Damascus  (II  Kgs.  v.  15).  This  is  the  remnant  of 
an  old  idea  that  a  deity  belonged  to  a  certain  land, 


152  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


and  only  there  was  he  at  home.  Early  Semites  had 
gods  of  the  hills  and  gods  of  the  valleys  (I  Kgs.  xx.  23), 
as  well  as  gods  who  were  supposed  to  control  the  forces 
of  nature  and  rule  over  the  various  tribes  (II  Kgs.  iii. 
27;  cf.  Moabite  stone). 

C — Literature 

When  we  try  to  estimate  the  literature  of  this  period 
we  find  that  these  were  growing  days  both  in  the  north 
and  the  south.  The  civilization,  though  marked  by 
many  retrogressive  movements,  was  now  two  hundred 
years,  or  six  generations,  out  from  nomadic  life.  The 
scribe  had  long  been  in  the  land.  Though  education 
was  voluntary,  there  must  have  been  those  in  a  few 
great  centers,  at  least,  who  had  learned  the  art  of 
writing.  The  need  for  writing  had  now  been  existent 
for  over  a  century.  The  pottery  of  Samaria  and  the 
Moabite  stone  were  inscribed  towards  the  end  of  the 
previous  dynasty.  Inscribed  monuments,  the  Siloam 
inscription  in  Hebrew,  and  the  Zinjirli  inscriptions  in 
Aramaic,  that  come  from  north  Syria,  and  date  from 
the  following  period,  have  come  to  light  during  the 
last  century.  Though  all  these  inscriptions  are  simple 
and  are  scarcely  worthy  of  the  name  of  literature,  they 
indicate  that  the  peoples  who  wrote  them  were  at 
least  technically  prepared  to  be  the  founders  of 
literature. 

Two  national  song  books,  the  book  of  Jashar,  i.e., 
the  upright  one,  which  is  Israel,  and  the  book  of  the 
wars  of  Yahweh,  were  collected  now,  if  not  earlier. 
From  the  book  of  Jashar  we  have  at  least  two  songs, 
viz.y  Joshua  x.  12-13  and  II  Samuel  i.  19-27.  It  might 
well  be  that  such  songs  as  Judges  v.  and  II  Samuel  iii. 
33,  34  were  included  in  this  early  collection.  Only  one 
fragment,  a  part  of  a  geographical  poem.  Numbers  xxi. 
14-15,  is  credited  to  the  book  of  the  wars  of  Yahweh. 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


153 


Numbers  xxi.  27-30,  which  perhaps  celebrated  Omri’s 
victory  over  Moab,  and  is  often  ascribed  to  this  book, 
was  almost  certainly  taken  by  E.  from  oral  tradition. 
It  is  not  improbable,  however,  that  a  song  such  as 
Exodus  XV.  1-18,  which  is  a  war  song  celebrating 
ancient  victories  at  the  Red  sea,  in  Moab,  Edom,  and 
Canaan,  was  included  in  what  must  have  been  a  popu¬ 
lar  book  in  those  days  of  constant  conflict. 

Of  still  greater  importance  is  what  is  generally 
called  the  J.  document.  It  is  sufficiently  definite 
to  place  the  writing  of  J.  about  850  b.c.,  that  is, 
approximately  the  time  of  Elijah.  The  analysis  of 
J.  is  given  in  any  modern  commentary  or  introduc¬ 
tion  to  the  Old  Testament,  and  is  too  lengthy  to  be 
subscribed  here.  It  has  gathered  up  material  that  has 
come  from  many  ages  and  from  many  minds,  and 
runs  back  to  the  earliest  life  of  the  national  ancestors. 
It  is  now  found  throughout  the  Hexateuch,  and  in¬ 
cludes  the  following  five  different  types  of  literature. 

1.  A  few  ancient  songs,  chiefly  of  a  secular  nature, 
as  Genesis  iv.  23,  Lamech  gloating  over  his  brutality; 
Genesis  ix.  25,  a  curse,  indicating  the  national  hatred 
against  Canaan ;  Genesis  xxv.  23,  which  celebrates  the 
age-long  relation  between  Jacob  and  Edom.  These 
are  the  very  natural  expressions  of  individual  and 
national  feeling,  and  with  this  as  a  background,  we  are 
the  better  able  to  appreciate  the  heights  of  moral 
grandeur  to  which  the  leaders  of  these  people  rose  in 
later  days. 

2.  Traditions  concerning  the  beginnings  of  human 
life  and  progress  were  preserved  and  interpreted.  A 
few  illustrations  taken  from  the  early  chapters  of 
Genesis  will  be  illuminating.  Genesis  ii.  4b — iii.  24 
tells  the  story  of  the  origin  of  man  and  of  sin;  iv.  1-25 
concludes  the  story  of  the  beginnings  of  agricultural 
and  industrial  life  with  the  boast  of  a  murderer;  fol¬ 
lowing  this  development  in  civilization  we  find  the 


154  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


earth  so  corrupt  that  Yahweh  in  his  wrath  sends  the 
flood,  vi.  5-8;  vii.  1-5,  7-10,  12;  viii.  2,  3a,  6-12, 
20-22;  then  comes  the  story  of  the  cultivation  of  the 
vine  and  sin,  ix.  18-27;  and  this  is  followed  by  the 
Babel  builders  and  their  punishment  because  of  sin. 
The  relation  throughout  these  stories  between  civili¬ 
zation  and  sin  seems  to  be  too  close  to  deny  that  the 
writer  thought  the  one  was  the  cause  of  the  other. 
Surely  he  was  a  kindred  spirit  to  Elijah,  his  well- 
known  contemporary. 

3.  The  stories  of  the  patriarchs,  with  their  intimate 
human  touches,  belong  chiefly  to  J.  The  narrative  of 
the  early  life  of  Abraham,  save  a  few  short  passages, 
comes  from  this  source  (Gen.  xii.-xvi.;  xviii.  1 — ^xix. 
38),  as  does  also  the  bulk  of  his  later  life.  J.  also  gives 
a  good  picture  of  Jacob  and  Joseph.  Much  of  tribal 
history,  often  the  most  stirring  episodes  and  telling 
characterizations,  are  preserved  in  these  tales  of  the 
early  ancestors.  We  have  little  in  Scripture  that  is 
more  revealing  of  ancient  life  and  ideals  than  these 
wonderful  narratives. 

4.  Early  national  history  is  also  of  great  interest 
to  this  writer.  A  continuous  story  is  found  through 
Exodus  i.-xxiv.  and  Numbers  x.  29— xxv.  5,  carrying 
the  history  of  the  national  movements  from  the  ex¬ 
periences  in  Egypt  to  the  settlement  in  Canaan.  This 
is  replete  with  graphic  phrases,  inherited  from  many 
camp  fires,  and  reproduces  early  conditions  and  atmos¬ 
phere  in  a  very  remarkable  way. 

5.  Many  ancient  customs,  that  to-day  help  us  to 
reconstruct  a  lifelike  picture  of  the  old  situations,  lie 
imbedded  in  the  story,  and  in  the  early  law  codes  that 
have  been  incorporated  in  the  history.  Exodus  xxxiv. 
10-26,  as  an  ancient  code  of  laws,  deserves  attention. 
The  context  suggests  it  had  been  written  before  the 
time  of  J.  (cf.  Ex.  xxxiv.  27).  It  also  is  what  it  claims 
to  be,  a  decalogue,  and  is  in  the  terms  of  a  covenant 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


155 


(Ex.  xxxiv.  28).  Its  whole  tone  is  ritualistic,  and  is 
in  strong  contrast  to  Exodus  xx.  1-16.  The  regula¬ 
tions  of  at  least  seven  of  the  ten  words  are  for  agri¬ 
cultural  life,  while  the  point  at  issue  in  two  or  three 
of  them  (cf.  Ex.  xxxiv.  25,  26)  is  so  primitive  that 
they  are  not  easily  intelligible  to  the  modern  reader. 
The  origin  and  history  of  this  code,  like  that  of  all 
codes,  would  be  hard  to  trace,  but  it  seems  probable 
that  a  number  of  these  regulations  represent  the  re¬ 
actions  of  priests  and  judges  in  Israel  against  certain 
of  the  licentious  rites  and  customs  of  their  Canaanit- 
ish  neighbors  {e.g.,  Ex.  xxxiv.  26b).  Others  represent 
old  Hebrew  customs,  while  still  others  may  have  been 
adapted  to  Yahweh  worship  from  certain  Canaanitish 
practices.  Thus  is  it  that  law  always  develops,  and 
it  is  the  result  of  such  struggles  as  this  between  various 
elements  that  assures  us  that  this  little  nation  was 
the  elect  of  God  for  a  great  mission. 

All  the  J.  document  was  woven  together  in  a  con¬ 
tinuous  story  of  the  life  and  doings  of  the  ancestors. 
The  religious  life  of  the  people,  their  worship  of  Yah¬ 
weh,  and  their  observance  of  a  few  rites  from  time 
immemorial  are  assumed.  The  fine  moral  tone  of 
the  author  not  only  determined  the  selection  of  the 
material,  but  also  permeated  the  moral  judgments 
throughout.  Few  exercises  are  more  illuminating  than, 
following  the  critical  analysis  of  the  Hexateuch,  to 
read  the  separated  J.  document  from  beginning  to  end. 
This  gives  unity  and  coherence  to  what  otherwise  must 
sometimes  seem  a  veritable  scrap-heap  of  verses.  The 
new  unit  presents  a  literary  quality  that  is  unexcelled, 
and  the  moral  and  religious  values  are  surpassed  by 
no  contemporary  writing.  Vividly  and  beautifully 
the  ancient  characters  and  national  events  are  made 
to  stand  out  in  the  written  page.  Human  in  their 
failures,  part  of  the  life  of  their  generation,  leaders 
in  laying  foundations  and  in  directing  great  move- 


156  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


ments,  these  men  and  their  experiences  are  ably  used 
to  teach  the  lessons  of  the  noblest  thought  of  the  ninth 
century  b.c. 

During  the  same  period  men  in  the  north  were  like¬ 
wise  busy.  The  Elijah  stories,  I  Kings  xvii.,  xix.,  xxi.; 
II  Kings  i.  2-17,  and  the  Elisha  stories,  II  Kings  ii., 
iv.  1 — vi.  23;  viii.  1-15;  xiii.  14-21,  that  had  now  been 
oral  property  for  half  a  century  were  committed  to 
writing.  From  another  northern  source  we  are  in¬ 
debted  to  those  prophetic  narratives  that  have  a 
strongly  political  flavor,  found  in  I  Kings  xx.,  xxii. ;  II 
Kings  iii.  4^27;  vi.  24— vii.  20;  ix.,  x. 

A  little  later,  but  still  before  750  b.c.,  there  was 
produced  what  has  come  to  be  known  as  the  E.  docu¬ 
ment.  It  is  the  counterpart  of  J.,  only  somewhat 
smaller.  It  begins  with  Abraham,  and  follows  espe¬ 
cially  the  history  of  Israel.  The  literary  gift  of  the 
writer  is  not  equal  to  that  of  J.,  but,  as  we  might  ex¬ 
pect,  in  the  later  document  the  ethical  and  religious 
ideas  show  development.  Anthropomorphisms  are 
carefully  avoided,  and  the  religion  of  Yahweh  is  flrst 
introduced  in  the  wilderness  (Ex.  iii.  9-14).  Hence 
the  early  worship  of  the  ancestors  was  idolatrous,  and 
the  leaders,  Abraham,  Moses,  and  Joshua,  have  more 
of  an  ofl&cial  cast  than  in  J.  The  ritual  side  of  re¬ 
ligion  is  of  importance  to  the  author,  and  Bethel  is  a 
sanctuary  of  great  historical  signiflcance  (Gen.  xxviii. 
11-12,  17,  18,  22;  xxxv.  1-18,  16-20). 

A  code  of  laws,  the  Covenant  Code,  is  also  incorpo¬ 
rated  (Ex.  XX.  23 — ^xxiii.  19;  cf.  Ex.  xxiv.  7).  In  it 
there  are  two  definite  divisions.  The  first  is  a  civil 
code,  consisting  of  a  number  of  judgments,  which  are 
based  on  hypothetical  cases  (xxi.  1 — ^xxii.  17).  These 
are  not  commands,  but  are  the  results  of  decisions. 
They  are  for  a  primitive  agricultural  society.  Even 
then,  they  meet  the  needs  of  such  society  in  a  very 
inadequate  way.  Slavery  and  concubinage  were  the 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


157 


practice.  The  slave  and  the  woman  were  private  prop¬ 
erty,  and  their  value  was  small.  These  judgments 
have  many  points  of  contact  with  the  code  of 
Hammurabi  of  2100  b.c.  So  far  as  completeness  is 
concerned,  the  honor  unquestionably  goes  to  the 
Babylonian  law.  So  far  as  moral  tone  is  concerned, 
primitive  though  it  is,  the  Covenant  Code  has  in  it 
more  of  promise.  It  recognizes  that  certain  rights  be¬ 
long  to  all  individuals. 

The  second  division  of  Covenant  Code  is  a  collec¬ 
tion  of  commands,  a  ceremonial  code  (Ex.  xx.  24—26; 
xxii.  18 — xxiii.  19).  This  parallels  the  ritual  decalogue 
of  J.  so  closely  that  we  must  think  of  each  as  going 
back  to  a  common  ceremonial  practice  in  the  days 
before  the  division  of  the  kingdom. 

To  the  same  days  we  may  attribute  the  writing  of 
the  original  stories  of  the  judges  now  found  in  Judges 
in.  6 — xvi.  31,  and  most  of  Judges  xvii.-xxi.  To  this 
also  must  be  added  the  original  records  of  those  his¬ 
torical  events  that  the  court  historians  of  the  north 
and  the  south,  respectively,  thought  worth  while  to 
preserve.  To  these  we  are  indebted  for  much  of  the 
historical  knowledge  that  later  writers  incorporated 
in  their  religious  writings. 

These  unknown  writers  paved  the  way  for  the 
earliest  of  the  writing  prophets.  Amos,  of  Tekoa, 
preached  at  Bethel  about  760  b.c.,  and  shortly  after 
must  have  written  the  book  that  now  bears  his  name. 
The  orderly  arrangement  of  the  material,  which  is 
exemplary,  does  not  dull  the  passion  of  the  preacher. 
The  book  naturally  falls  into  three  divisions: 

(1)  i.-ii.  Curses  on  the  nations,  Israel  included. 

(2)  iii.-vi.  Sermons;  condemnation  of  social  evils. 

(3)  vii.-ix.  8a.  Visions;  complete  destruction. 

To  this  were  added  an  appendix  and  a  few  brief 
passages  that  do  not  correspond  to  the  tone  that  is 
uniformly  found  in  the  above  sections  of  the  book. 


158  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Chapter  ix.  8b“15,  the  unconditional,  hence  (if 
preached  in  760  b.c.)  unethical,  promise  of  a  glorious 
future  for  both  nations;  iv.  13;  v.  8-9;  ix.  5-6,  three 
delightful,  but  antiquarian  poems,  and  ii.  4-5,  condem¬ 
nation  of  Judah  because  of  spiritual  sins,  are  passages 
that  because  of  their  linguistic  peculiarities,  their  lack 
of  connection  with  the  context,  and  their  difference  of 
outlook  from  the  rest  of  the  book  are  very  generally 
regarded  as  interpolations  in  the  original  text  of  Amos. 
We  already  have  seen  how  naturally  and  how  easily 
interpolations  and  interpretations  could  creep  into  the 
Scriptures  during  centuries  of  scribal  activity.  Hence 
for  the  study  of  the  teaching  of  the  prophet  it  may  be 
better  to  omit  these,  owing  to  the  uncertainty.  The 
value  of  their  messages,  however,  is  not  thereby 
lessened.  In  another  age  under  other  conditions,  they 
must  have  profoundly  stirred  and  encouraged  the 
hearts  of  the  wavering  and  the  faithful.  Their  con¬ 
tribution  to  life  and  thought  will  be  taken  up  in  what 
seems  a  more  appropriate  background. 

The  central  note  of  Amos  is  that  God  is  righteous. 
Hence  He  was  supremely  interested  in  ethics,  in  the 
social,  commercial,  and  political  doings  of  the  nation. 
In  fact  He  was  more  interested  in  this  right  relation 
between  men  in  the  common  affairs  of  life  than  He  was 
in  any  nation,  even  in  Israel  herself,  or  in  any  form 
of  worship,  no  matter  how  carefully  observed.  This 
that  sounds  to  us  like  a  commonplace,  was  revolu¬ 
tionary  in  the  days  of  the  prophet.  Mercilessly  this 
fiery  spirit  from  the  south  attacked  the  prevalent  sins, 
as  dishonesty  in  business,  bribery  in  the  courts  of 
justice,  wild  revelry  in  the  ladies  quarters,  brutality 
on  the  battlefield,  immorality  at  their  festivals, 
trafficking  in  human  life,  and  violation  of  covenants. 
Moving  among  them  at  one  of  their  great  festivals, 
when  they  were  dreaming  that  Yahweh  must  be  look¬ 
ing  on  them  with  great  favor,  he  rudely  scored  their 


THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM 


159 


religious  practices,  and  declared  that  the  lavish  ritual 
that  was  practiced  at  Bethel  was  without  divine  sanc¬ 
tion  (Amos  V.  21-26).  He  declared  it  to  be  the  word 
of  Yahweh,  that  a  nation  so  morally  corrupt  had  no 
hope.  The  day  of  repentance  had  passed,  and  before 
it  there  was  nought  but  men  slain  by  the  swords,  cities 
burned  and  breached,  and  the  women  and  children 
carried  into  servitude  and  captivity  by  Assyria  (Amos 
V.  27;  vi.  14;  vii.  9;  ii.  14-16).  He  was  like  a  scorching 
wind  from  the  bare  heights,  heralding  destruction  in 
his  wake.  It  is  no  wonder  that  they  drove  him  from 
the  country  as  one  whom  the  authorities  could  not 
tolerate.  But  his  message  is  one  of  the  ringing  voices 
that  has  lived  on  through  the  centuries,  and  the  heart 
of  man  acknowledges  in  it  the  voice  of  the  divine. 

Hosea,  a  northerner  by  birth,  deeply  loving  his  own 
people,  appeared  on  the  scenes  about  ten  years  later. 
From  the  tragic  experience  of  an  unfaithful  wife,  who 
had  gone  off  with  her  lover,  he  learned  a  profound, 
spiritual  truth.  He  still  loved  his  erring  wife;  surely 
then,  Yahweh  is  as  merciful  as  man  at  his  best,  and 
still  loves  wayward  Israel.  The  simplest  analysis  of 
the  book,  which  is  not  nearly  so  orderly  as  Amos,  is: 

(1)  — i.-iii.  The  home  wrecked  because  of  the  un¬ 
faithful  wife. 

(2)  — iv.-x.  The  nation  wrecked  because  of  unfaith¬ 
ful  leaders. 

(3)  — xi.-xiv.  The  redemptive  love  of  God  as  father 
and  husband. 

Passages  that  many  have  suspected  of  being  later 
than  Hosea  because  of  historical  and  theological  fea¬ 
tures  are  Hosea  i.  7;  10-11;  hi.  5;  iv.  15a;  viii.  14; 
X.  12;  xi.  10,  11;  xiv.  9. 

Hosea  is  as  strenuous  as  Amos  in  demanding  right 
conduct  as  basal  to  religion.  Sacrifice  and  burned 
offering  are  not  the  important  divine  requirements 
(Hos.  iv.  2;  vi.  6).  But  he  declares  that  God  loves 


160  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


his  people  as  a  husband  or  as  a  father,  in  spite  of  their 
disloyalty.  Thus  the  dominant  note  is  one  of  great 
tenderness.  Personal  experience  pervades  the  pages 
of  the  book  and  the  tender  mercy  and  long  suffering  of 
Yahweh  have  rarely,  if  ever,  been  more  effectively 
expressed  (cf.  Hos.  xi.  1-4;  xiv.  4-8).  But  Hosea  was 
a  pioneer  in  three  other  directions.  He  condemned 
the  revolution  of  Jehu,  which  a  hundred  years  earlier 
was  at  least  stimulated  by  the  prophets  (Hos.  i.  4). 
He  asserted  that  Yahweh  was  the  God  of  the  agricul¬ 
tural  processes,  that  had  by  many  of  the  earlier  leaders 
been  believed  to  be  the  domain  of  the  Canaanitish 
Baal  (Hos.  ii.  8, 16).  He  attacked  the  hillside  worship, 
that  earlier,  so  far  as  we  know,  had  always  been  con¬ 
sidered  legitimate,  because  of  the  flagrant  licentious¬ 
ness  and  idolatry  that  was  frequently  associated  with 
it.  These  contributions  to  religious  thought  and  life 
were  of  the  most  permanent  value.  They  help  us  to 
see  how  far  men  such  as  these,  led  by  the  divine  spirit, 
traveled  in  a  century;  how  the  days  of  darkness  were 
fast  passing;  and  how  days  of  light  and  truth  were 
being  ushered  in.  In  so  far  as  we  are  able  to  follow 
the  processes  whereby  this  progress  was  attained,  we 
are  following  the  working  of  the  spirit  of  God.  The 
religious  writings  of  the  one  hundred  years  of  this 
dynasty  are  of  that  quality  that  they  would  make 
any  age  illustrious. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  ISRAEL  740-722  b.c. 


Kings 


Zechariah 

740 

Shallum 

740 

Menahem 

738 

Pekahiah 

736 

Pekah 

734 

Hoshea 

732-722 

II  Kings  xv.  8-31;  xvii.  1-41;  Isaiah  vii.  1-9 

At  the  very  outset  we  have  a  chronological  problem. 
The  four  kings,  Menahem,  Pekahiah,  Pekah,  and 
Hoshea  are  reported  to  have  reigned  over  a  period  of 
forty-one  years.  Menahem,  however,  paid  tribute  to 
Assyria  in  738  b.c.  and  Hoshea  ceased  reigning  with  the 
fall  of  Samaria  in  722  b.c.,  both  of  which  dates  are  fixed 
by  the  Assyrian  lists  and  astronomical  calculation. 
Any  rearrangement  of  dates  is  of  course  somewhat  arbi¬ 
trary,  even  though  it  is  necessary.  The  length  of  reign 
of  the  individual  kings  suggested  here  seems  to  be  the 
most  likely. 

Assyrian  Campaigns — Five  years  before  the  death  of 
Jeroboam  II,  Tiglath-Pileser  III,  the  Pul  of  II  Kings 
XV.  19,  etc.,  a  military  genius  and  a  statesman,  had 
seized  the  Assyrian  throne.  His  early  years  were  spent 
in  quelling  rebellions  in  the  east  and  in  bringing  the 
Arameans,  who  had  been  pouring  into  Babylon,  into 

161 


162  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


subjection.  Then  for  two  years  he  engaged  in  success¬ 
ful  warfare  against  Aramean  powers  in  the  north  at 
Kummuh  and  in  the  west  at  Arpad.  In  740  b.c.  the 
way  to  Syria  lay  open  to  him.  Nothing  but  the  most 
careful  husbanding  of  resources,  and  the  most  states¬ 
manlike  leadership  throughout  all  Syria,  Palestine  in¬ 
cluded,  could  stay  this  enemy.  But  for  eighteen  years, 
Israel  engaged  in  petty  intrigue  and  sectional  jeal¬ 
ousies,  all  of  which,  with  inane  leadership,  resulted  in  a 
pitiable,  national  debacle  (Hos.  vii.  4-7). 

Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jeroboam  II,  was  slain  after 
a  reign  of  six  months  (II  Kgs.  xiv.  29).  Shallum,  his 
murderer,  was  in  turn  disposed  of  at  the  end  of  a 
month  by  Menahem  (II  Kgs.  xv.  8-32).  During  the 
early  part  of  Menahem’s  reign,  he  ruthlessly  butchered 
the  inhabitants  of  those  villages  that  had  opposed  his 
assumptions. 

In  738  B.c.  Tiglath-Pileser  III  invaded  the  country 
and  exacted  an  enormous  tribute,  about  $2,000,000,  or 
the  equivalent  in  present-day  values  of  something  like 
$30,000,000,  as  the  price  for  the  recognition  of  his 
claim  to  the  throne  (II  Kgs.  xv.  19-20).  Menahem 
raised  this  by  a  direct  tax  of  about  $35  apiece  on  all 
the  mighty  men  of  wealth.  This  would  require  about 
60,000  men  who  were  deemed  able  to  make  such  a  con¬ 
tribution,  and  gives  us  a  fair  estimate  of  the  pros¬ 
perity  of  the  country  at  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Jero¬ 
boam  II. 

Menahem,  the  most  brutal  king  since  the  time  of 
Jehu,  died  a  natural  death,  but  his  son  Pekahiah,  in¬ 
herited  the  whirlwind.  Insurrection  was  abroad  be¬ 
cause  of  the  pro-Assyrian  policy  of  his  father.  Pekah, 
a  Gileadite,  a  captain  in  the  army,  led  the  rebellion, 
slew  him,  and  seized  the  throne.  Then,  with  Rezm 
of  Syria,  he  endeavored  to  unite  all  the  country,  Syria, 
Israel,  and  Judah,  in  order  to  withstand  the  power  of 
Assyria.  Judah,  under  Ahaz,  not  only  held  out  against 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  ISRAEL,  740-722  B.C.  163 

this  proposal,  but  even  formed  an  alliance  with  Tig- 
lath-Pileser  III  in  734  b.c.,  with  the  object  of  gaining 
his  assistance  (cf.  Isa.  vii.  1-9).  The  same  year  the 
Assyrian  army  came  west,  took  Gaza,  and  laid  siege  to 
Damascus,  which  fell  in  732  b.c.,  after  a  prolonged  de¬ 
fense.  Northern  Israel  was  at  the  same  time  attacked, 
and  four  important  cities  in  Naphthali  were  taken. 
Gilead  and  Galilee  were  subjugated,  and  in  accordance 
with  a  new  colonization  policy,  first  devised  in  740  b.c. 
to  punish  the  intractable  Syrian  state  of  Unqui,  a  part 
of  the  population  was  deported  (II  Kgs.  xv.  29).  An 
important  Aramaic  inscription  belonging  to  these  days 
celebrates  this  policy  in  these  words:  ^‘The  daughters 
of  the  sunrise  he  carried  to  the  sunset,  and  the  daugh¬ 
ters  of  the  sunset  he  carried  to  the  sunrise’’  (Zenjirli). 

Hoshea,  a  pro-Assyrian,  in  732  b.c.  disposed  of  Pekah 
in  the  way  most  approved  by  that  age  of  anarchy,  and 
Samaria  was  saved  the  humiliation  of  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  Assyrian  (II  Kgs.  xvii.  1-6).  It  is  pos¬ 
sible  that  tribute  was  paid  by  the  new  king  to  Tiglath- 
Pileser  III  as  a  token  of  his  allegiance.  When  in  727 
B.c.  a  new  king,  Shalmaneser  IV,  ascended  the  Assyrian 
throne,  Hoshea  withheld  tribute  and  formed  an  alli¬ 
ance  with  So,  an  unidentified  king  of  Egypt,  or  per¬ 
haps  Mutzri.  Such  secession  was  always  swiftly  pun¬ 
ished,  when  possible.  In  724  b.c.  the  Assyrian  army 
was  at  the  gates  of  Samaria,  and  towards  the  end  of 
722  B.C.,  shortly  after  Sargon  II  had  succeeded  Shal¬ 
maneser  IV  as  king,  the  city  opened  its  gates  to  the 
conqueror.  According  to  Assyrian  records,  27,290  of 
the  nobles  were  deported  to  three  quite  widely  sep¬ 
arated  Assyrian  provinces,  and  here  they  were  assimi¬ 
lated  by  the  people  and  lost  to  national  history. 

The  Ten  Tribes — But  Samaria  was  not  depopulated. 
Only  a  very  small  percentage  of  the  people  was  ever 
removed  from  the  land.  The  ten  tribes  had  passed 
through  many  disasters,  and  many  disturbances  dur- 


164  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


ing  almost  three  hundred  years  of  empire.  They  had 
been  defeated  and  disabled  time  after  time.  Every 
decade  the  cross-country  traffic  had  scattered  its  seeds 
by  the  wayside,  and  added  its  mixture  of  foreign  cus¬ 
tom  and  foreign  blood.  The  winds  from  the  eastern 
desert,  and  the  streams  from  the  Lebanons  had  con¬ 
tributed  their  quota  of  strange  life  and  thought. 
Phoenicia  and  the  sea  had  added  to  the  variegated 
complexion  of  costume  and  custom  of  Galilee  and 
Samaria.  Many  foreign  elements,  Canaanite,  Syrian, 
Arabian,  and  Phoenician,  had  already  been  assimilated. 
This  conquest  added  only  one  more  disaster,  and  that 
was  of  chief  moment  because  of  the  close  of  the  king¬ 
dom.  Twenty-seven  thousand  deported  and  a  group 
of  Arameans  from  Babylon  imported  to  fill  their  places 
in  721  B.C.,  did  not  make  a  very  radical  change  in  the 
population  (II  Kgs.  xvii.  24). 

The  Samaritans — The  new  colonists  for  a  time  suf¬ 
fered  from  the  depredations  of  wild  animals,  it  was 
thought,  because  they  were  unfamiliar  with  the  re¬ 
ligious  charms  that  were  necessary  to  win  the  favor 
of  the  god  of  the  land.  They  were  therefore  provided 
with  a  Yah  wist  priest,  and  were  initiated  in  the  proper 
religious  rites.  These  people  easily  assimilated  with 
the  Israelitish  stock  as  they  came  from  a  branch  of 
the  same  family. 

An  Assyrian  governor  was  placed  over  the  land,  and 
the  independent  kingdom  of  the  ten  tribes  was  at  an 
end.  Its  history  had  been  one  long  struggle  with 
varying  successes.  The  product  of  many  tribal  affilia¬ 
tions,  and  the  victim  of  a  geographical  situation,  it 
failed  to  survive  in  the  unequal  combat.  Some  of 
those  who  remained  joined  their  fortunes  to  those  of 
Judah,  the  sister  kingdom,  where  the  religious  condi¬ 
tions  must  have  made  an  appeal.  Many  remained  in 
their  old  homes,  continuing  in  their  old  ways,  gradu¬ 
ally  mixing  with  the  colonists,  as  their  ancestors  before 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  ISRAEL,  740-722  B.C.  165 

them  had  done  with  Canaanites  and  others,  and  ulti¬ 
mately  out  of  these  grew  the  Samaritans,  of  whom  a 
small  body  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  still  remain. 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  735-686  b.c. 

Kings 

Ahaz  735 

Hezekiah  715-686 

II  Kings  xviii.  1 — XX.  21;  II  Chronicles  xxviii.-xxxi. ; 
Isaiah  i.-xi.  9;  xx.,  xxxvi.-xlix. ;  Micah  i.-iii.;  v.  1, 
10-13;  vi.  9-16;  vii.  1-6. 

A — Historical  Sketch 

UzziAH,  the  contemporary  and  subject  of  Jero¬ 
boam  II,  lived  peaceably  with  his  master,  developed 
his  resources,  strengthened  his  defenses,  and  enlarged 
his  borders.  During  his  declining  years,  owing  to 
leprosy,  he  shared  his  power  with  Jotham,  his  son,  as 
regent.  With  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II  and  the  en¬ 
suing  feuds  in  the  northern  kingdom,  Judah  naturally 
without  a  struggle  became  independent  (II  Kgs.  xv. 
32-38).  Jotham’s  reign,  which  closed  in  735  b.c.,  was 
but  the  continuation  of  his  father’s.  The  only  specific 
act  referred  to  in  Kings  is  that  he  built  the  upper  gate 
of  the  house  of  Yahweh. 

Ahaz,  his  son,  a  young  man  of  twenty,  succeeded  to 
the  throne  (II  Kgs.  xvi.  1-20;  Isa.  vii.  1 — ^ix.  7).  In 
the  beginning  of  his  reign,  Rezin  of  Syria,  and  Pekah 
of  Israel,  sought  to  form  with  him  a  triple  alliance 
against  the  almost  certain  invasion  of  Tiglath-Pileser 

166 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUD.\H,  735-686  B.C.  167 

III.  Ahaz  refused,  and  was  attacked  by  the  northern 
coalition.  Rezin  took  Elath.  Judah’s  port  on  the  Gulf 
of  Akabah,  and  the  allies  set  siege  to  Jerusalem.  Ahaz, 
most  probably  at  this  time,  for  it  was  the  most  serious 
crisis  of  his  reign,  followed  the  ancient  pagan  custom, 
and  sacrificed  his  son  in  order  to  win  the  favor  of 
dein*  <  II  Kgs.  x\*i.  3).  Isaiah  endeavored  to  persuade 
him  to  keep  quiet,  seek  no  material  aid,  only  trust  in 
Yahweh.  But  the  king,  with  a  shortsighted  policy,  re¬ 
jected  the  overtures  of  the  prophet,  sent  an  embass}* 
to  Ass^Tia  with  substantial  gifts,  pledged  allegiance, 
and  sought  assistance  against  his  enemies.  The  As- 
s^*rian  forces  reached  Samaria  in  734  b.c.,  and  inside  of 
two  vears  the  fortress  was  reduced. 

An  impressive  reception  was  staged  in  Damascus  by 
the  conquerors,  which  the  tributan*  powers,  Ahaz  in¬ 
cluded,  were  commanded  to  attend.  The  young  king 
was  much  impressed  by  the  t^-pe  of  altar,  Ass}*rian 
most  likely,  before  which  the  ceremonies  took  place. 
As  a  vassal  prince,  he  ordered  the  priests  to  make  a 
duplicate,  which  was  placed  in  front  of  the  temple. 
Other  changes  were  made  in  the  temple  furniture  and 
ritual,  presumably  to  be  in  keeping  with  the  new  altar 
and  with  Ass^uian  worship. 

The  death  of  Tiglath-Pileser  III  in  727  b.c.,  however, 
was  the  signal  for  a  general  revolt  in  the  west,  which 
was  quickly  quelled  by  Shahnaneser  IV.  Judah,  per¬ 
haps  influenced  by  Isaiah,  remained  loyal  to  her  al¬ 
legiance.  Samaria  fell  in  722  b.c.,  and  twice  in  the  next 
decade  AssjTian  soldiers  appeared  on  the  frontiers  of 
Judah.  In  720  b.c.  rebellion  in  the  north  led  by  the 
king  of  Hamath,  supported  by  Arpad,  Damascus, 
Samaria,  Gaza,  and  the  Arabian  Mutzri,  was  sup¬ 
pressed,  and  the  Ass^uian  army  marched  as  far  south 
as  Raphia,  where  they  met  and  defeated  an  Eg;>*ptian 
army  under  Shabako.  Again,  in  711  b.c.,  a  well-organ¬ 
ized  revolt  led  by  Ashdod  was  put  down  by  Sargon  II. 


168  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Judah,  adhering  to  the  peace  policy  of  Isaiah,  seems 
not  to  have  been  party  tc  the  rebellion  on  either  occa¬ 
sion.  She  paid  her  tribute  and  was  not  molested. 

With  the  death  of  Ahaz,  Hezekiah,  his  son,  came  to 
the  throne  (II  Kgs.  xviii.  1 — xx.  14).  The  accession 
year  is  uncertain.  Our  records  in  one  place  tell  us  that 
Samaria  fell  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah, 
which  would  place  the  new  ruler  on  the  throne  in  728 
B.c.  (II  Kgs.  xviii.  10).  A  few  verses  later  we  have  the 
information  that  the  campaign  of  Sennacherib,  which 
was  in  701  b.c.,  was  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  reign, 
which  would  make  the  opening  of  his  reign  date  from 
715  B.c.  This  is  the  date  we  are  using,  though  of  course 
it  is  arbitrary. 

On  the  death  of  Sargon  II  and  the  succession  of 
Sennacherib  to  the  Assyrian  throne,  in  705  b.c.,  Judah 
threw  in  her  lot  with  the  rebels.  She  had  grown  strong 
in  the  last  decade.  Hezekiah  had  widened  her  borders 
towards  the  west,  and  had  taken  Gaza  and  her  suburbs 
from  the  Philistines  (II  Kgs.  xviii.  8).  The  anti- As¬ 
syrian  coalition  was  now  stronger  than  ever.  Mero- 
dach-baladan,  an  old  time  usurper,  whom  it  had  taken 
Sargon  II  twelve  years  to  drive  out  of  Babylon  into 
exile,  immediately  on  the  death  of  Sargon  II  had  seized 
the  Babylonian  throne  from  the  Assyrian  lieutenant. 
His  intrigues  had  never  ceased  during  his  exile  of  five 
years.  Now  many  of  the  small  Babylonian  states 
rallied  to  his  banner.  He  had  won  his  way  into  the 
good  graces  of  Hezekiah,  and  in  the  west  all  looked 
favorable  for  independence. 

The  Philistines  were  eager  for  revolt.  Tyre,  now 
of  considerable  military  importance,  joined  them. 
Egypt,  ever  willing  to  make  trouble  for  her  old  time 
enemy,  promised  assistance,  and  gained  a  following  at 
the  court  of  Hezekiah  (Isa.  xx.  1-6;  xxx.  1-5; 
xxxi.  1-3).  Moab,  Edom,  Ammon,  and  the  Arabian 
tribes,  ever  ready  to  escape  tribute,  threw  their  lot  in 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  169 

with  the  alliance  Hezekiah,  the  most  resolute  of  the 
leaders  and  commanding  considerable  wealth,  thought 
the  time  to  strike  for  national  liberty  was  ripe.  Padi, 
the  Assyrian  appointee  to  the  throne  of  Ekron,  was 
taken  by  the  princes  of  the  city,  and  Hezekiah  impris¬ 
oned  him  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  He  encouraged  the 
Egyptian  alliance,  strengthened  the  defenses  of  Jeru¬ 
salem,  brought  the  water  supply  within  the  walls  by 
the  Siloam  tunnel,  and  prepared  to  meet  the  enemy. 

Sennacherib’s  movements  were  decisive.  Within  nine 
months  he  had  driven  Merodach-baladan  out  of  Baby¬ 
lon,  spoiled  the  great  city,  and  had  taken  over  200,000 
captives.  Two  years  later  he  reached  the  Mediter¬ 
ranean  coast,  captured  and  placed  under  tribute  all  the 
important  Phoenician  cities  save  Tyre,  and  then 
marched  down  the  Philistine  plain.  Moab  and  Edom 
hastily  submitted,  Askelon  was  overthrown,  and  many 
were  deported,  and  Ekron  was  besieged.  Then  the 
Egyptian  army  on  which  all  had  been  relying,  came 
out  to  give  battle.  Sennacherib  met  it  at  Eltekeh,  in 
the  south  of  Palestine,  and  defeated  it.  Ekron  was 
reduced,  and  then  he  swept  the  Judean  hillsides,  cap¬ 
turing  by  his  own  account  forty-six  walled  cities,  in¬ 
numerable  smaller  ones,  immense  spoil,  and  200,150 
people.  Whether  all  these  were  deported  or  not  we 
cannot  say,  as  in  the  cylinder  on  which  Sennacherib 
enumerates  the  treasure  Hezekiah  sent  to  Nineveh,  he 
only  mentions,  a  heavy  treasure  together  with  his 
daughters  and  the  women  of  his  palace,  and  male  and 
female  musicians.”  But  the  submission  of  Hezekiah 
was  complete.  He  gave  tribute  of  great  value,  spoiling 
the  treasury  of  the  temple,  and  even  stripping  the 
gold  off  the  doors  and  pillars  of  the  sanctuary  (II  Kgs. 
xviii.  13-16).  The  Ass3n’ian  records  tell  us  that  he  had 
to  give  up  Padi,  who  was  again  placed  on  the  throne 
of  Ekron,  and  that  Sennacherib  had  “shut  up  Hezekiah 
in  Jerusalem  like  a  bird  in  a  cage.” 


170  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


It  is  not  easy  to  arrange  the  details  of  the  story 
of  Sennacherib’s  attack  on  Judah  as  preserved  in  II 
Kings  xviii.  13 — xix.  37  or  Isaiah  xxxvi.-xxxix.  Nor 
does  the  existence  of  a  laudatory  account  from  an  As¬ 
syrian  eye-witness  make  it  any  easier.  We  seem  to 
have  in  the  book  of  Kings  three  different  sources 
that  have  led  to  different  interpretations. 

II  Kings  xviii.  13-16  is  in  the  editor’s  phraseology, 
and  had  its  source  in  the  court  annals.  It  agrees  es¬ 
sentially  with  the  Assyrian  records.  The  Assyrian 
monuments  name  the  tribute  as  thirty  talents  of  gold, 
and  eight  hundred  talents  of  silver,  etc.,  while  our 
records  mention  thirty  talents  of  gold  and  three  hun¬ 
dred  talents  of  silver,  etc.  In  the  face  of  these  two 
witnesses,  we  may  accept  this  as  the  general  resume 
of  the  results  of  the  invasion. 

II  Kings  xviii.  17 — xix.  8  is  a  vivid  picture  of  a 
rather  dramatic  scene  in  front  of  Jerusalem.  Officers 
of  the  Assyrian  army  had  been  sent  by  the  king  from 
Lachish  with  a  considerable  force  to  treat  with  Heze- 
kiah  concerning  the  capitulation  of  the  city.  These 
officers  took  up  their  position  at  ^The  conduit  of  the 
upper  pool,”  under  the  city  walls.  Hezekiah  sent  a 
commission  of  three  of  his  important  men  to  receive 
their  overtures.  The  chief  spokesman  for  the  enemy 
very  fluently  and  piously  argued  the  advisability  of 
surrender.  A  delightful  passage  at  arms  took  place 
between  this  officer  and  Eliakim  as  to  what  language 
should  be  used  for  their  diplomatic  conference.  The 
Assyrian  insisted  on  using  the  Hebrew  vernacular  so 
that  all  might  understand.  The  demand  was  for  capit¬ 
ulation.  In  great  distress  the  commission  returned  to 
the  waiting  monarch  and  gave  the  report.  Isaiah  was 
called  in,  and  his  council  of  refusal  was  adopted.  The 
Rabshakeh — an  Assyrian  official  title — and  his  com¬ 
panions  then  returned  to  the  main  army. 

The  third  source  is  II  Kings  xix.  9-35.  This  relates 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  171 

that  when  Sennacherib  heard  that  Tirhakah,  king  of 
Ethiopia,  was  approaching,  he  sent  a  letter  to  Hezekiah 
by  royal  post,  demanding  surrender.  Hezekiah  took 
the  letter  to  the  temple,  and  in  a  very  calm  mood 
uttered  a  very  dignified  prayer.  Isaiah  sent  a  message 
to  the  king,  telling  him  in  eight  lengthy,  argumentative 
verses,  the  word  of  Yahweh  concerning  Babylon,  and 
then  in  five  concluding  verses  gave  a  sign  for  the  as¬ 
surance  of  the  king. 

Are  the  second  and  the  third  narratives  partial  de¬ 
tails  of  two  campaigns  of  Sennacherib  against  Judah, 
the  one  in  701  b.c.,  and  the  other  in  689  b.c.?  We 
know  that  Tirhakah  was  not  on  the  throne  of  Egypt 
until  691  B.C.,  also  that  Sennacherib  sent  an  army 
against  the  Arabians  in  689  b.c.,  which  perhaps  reached 
as  far  west  as  Egypt.  Was  he  compelled  to  go  back  to 
Babylon  in  701  b.c.  because  of  an  insurrection  which 
that  old  mischief  maker,  Merodach-baladan,  had 
started?  Might  this  be  ‘The  tidings”  to  which  Isaiah 
referred  (cf.  II  Kgs.  ix.  7)?  Did  his  army  in  689  b.c. 
suffer  from  bubonic  plague,  which  so  often  broke  out 
in  ancient  armies,  so  that  he  could  not  continue  his 
campaign,  and  did  not  care  to  chronicle  all  the  facts? 

Or  are  these  only  different  versions  of  the  overtures 
made  to  Hezekiah  in  701  b.c.?  The  facts  of  which  we 
can  feel  sure  in  the  light  of  all  the  evidence  are,  the 
humiliation,  if  not  the  capture,  of  Jerusalem,  the 
payment  of  a  large  tribute,  and  the  hurried  with¬ 
drawal  of  the  army  of  the  conqueror  because  of  im¬ 
pending  danger. 

B — Internal  Conditions 

Hezekiah  ruled  thirteen  years  longer,  and  so  far 
as  we  know,  they  were  years  of  peace,  hence  prosperity 
and  national  growth.  During  his  reign  Judah  attained 
considerable  wealth,  and  with  that  came  the  corre- 


172  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


spending  social  and  religious  tendencies.  The  temple 
was  again  a  splendid  treasure  house,  as  was  also  the 
palace  of  the  king.  The  Siloam  tunnel,  bored  through 
the  solid  rock  a  distance  of  over  seventeen  hundred 
feet  in  order  to  bring  the  water  from  the  virgin’s 
spring  within  the  city  wall,  hints  at  the  resources  of 
the  kingdom.  The  brief  inscription  found  in  this  tun¬ 
nel  in  1880  is  of  paleographic  interest  only. 

But  the  conditions  now  were  not  such  that  strong 
men  ruling  petty  kingdoms  could  figure  advantage¬ 
ously  in  international  affairs.  Assyria  ruled,  and  that 
with  a  strong  hand,  compelling  large  tribute,  crushing 
revolt  swiftly,  and  suffering  none  to  rival  her.  Hence 
Judah  was  but  a  petty  kingdom,  subordinated  to  the 
interests  of  a  greater  nation. 

Morally  it  is  the  same  old  story.  Wealth  and  foreign 
associations  induced  a  riotousness  and  immorality  that 
called  down  the  ire  of  the  prophets.  Ahaz  followed 
foreign  gods  and  introduced  many  foreign  practices. 
The  princes  devoured  the  people  of  the  land.  Those 
in  high  places  trampled  the  poor  under  their  heel. 
The  wealthy  joined  land  to  land,  and  monopolized 
the  village  commons.  Judges  sold  their  decisions  to 
the  highest  bidder.  The  priests  were  mercenary.  Lust, 
drunkenness,  and  debaucheiy  defiled  the  whole  land, 
and  idolatry,  with  all  its  corrupting  influences,  was  in 
every  center.  Such  were  the  conditions  that  are  de¬ 
scribed  most  vividly  by  the  prophets,  and  such  were 
the  people  to  whom  they  ministered. 

The  religious  conditions  also  had  much  of  evil  in 
them.  Ahaz  sold  himself  deliberately  to  the  Assyrian 
for  a  material  reward.  Hence  it  was  quite  natural  that 
he  should  introduce  Assyrian  worship  in  all  its  glory. 
These  were  the  days  in  which  the  Assyrian  altar  was 
introduced  into  the  temple,  the  worship  of  the  sun 
was  established,  and  horses  and  chariots  were  dedi¬ 
cated  to  the  sun  (II.  Kgs.  xvi.  18;  xxiii.  12).  Not  only 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  173 

did  this  new  worship  tend  to  displace  the  worship  of 
Yahweh,  but  old  pagan  practices,  such  as  child  sacri¬ 
fices,  were  renewed. 

When  Hezekiah  came  to  the  throne  there  was  a 
change.  The  convictions  of  Isaiah,  perhaps  a  kinsman 
and  tutor,  guided  the  young  king,  who  was  more  truly 
religious  than  his  father.  He  followed  the  prophet’s 
policy  of  nonalliance  with  the  revolting  nations  in  711 
B.C.  After  the  humiliation  of  701  b.c.  the  prophet’s  in¬ 
fluence  must  have  been  greater  than  ever.  The  words 
of  Micah  must  also  have  contributed  to  a  real  search¬ 
ing  of  heart,  if  not  to  repentance  (Mic.  iii.  12;  cf.  Jer. 
xxvi.  18-19).  How  far  reforms  went  in  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  we  cannot  say.  But  sometime  during  his 
rule  the  temple  was  cleansed  more  thoroughly  than 
during  that  of  any  predecessor.  The  brazen  serpent, 
which  claimed  great  antiquity  and  was  probably  re¬ 
lated  to  the  widespread  serpent  worship,  was  removed 
(II  Kgs.  xviii.  4).  The  ancient  high  places  through¬ 
out  the  country  were  desecrated,  and  the  sacred  sym¬ 
bols,  the  pillar  and  the  ashera,  were  cut  down  (II  Kgs. 
xviii.  4).  Thus  the  temple  was  cleansed,  the  worship 
was  made  more  spiritual,  and  it  became  for  the  first 
time  in  history  the  only  accredited  place  of  worship. 
Religious  forms  could  thus  be  controlled  as  never  be¬ 
fore,  and  old  social  sins  that  had  from  Canaanitish 
times  been  associated  with  the  local  worship  would 
henceforth  lose  much  of  their  religious  sanction. 


C — Literature 

The  redeeming  feature  of  the  period  is  its  literature. 
This,  with  the  spiritual  insight  of  the  prophets,  is  the 
justification  for  calling  it  the  golden  age  of  Judah. 
Isaiah  was  the  dominating  figure,  and  Micah  was  a 
fearless  contemporary.  But  there  were  other  writers 


174  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


who  did  great  service,  whose  names  were  not  perpetu¬ 
ated  with  the  records. 

There  may  have  been  much  religious  poetry  that 
expressed  the  fears,  hopes,  and  ideals  of  the  generation. 
Some  of  our  Psalms,  e.g.,  hi.,  xx.,  xxi.,  xxviii.  and  others 
as  well,  may  easily  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  the 
experience  of  701  b.c.,  but  confidently  to  assert  that 
therefore  they  were  necessarily  written  at  that  time 
would  be  going  beyond  the  evidence.  To  say  that 
there  were  none  written  in  these  days  would  be  still 
more  unwarranted. 

A  similar  question  is  raised  by  the  Book  of  Proverbs. 
Proverbs  xxv.  1  states:  ^‘These  also  are  the  proverbs 
of  Solomon,  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah,  king  of 
Judah,  copied  out.’’  This  preserves  the  tradition  of 
literary  activity  in  this  reign.  It  is  the  introduction 
to  Proverbs  xxv.-xxix.  There  is  every  reason  to  accept 
both  the  existence  of  proverbs  and  of  editorial  and 
literary  activity  in  Judah  at  this  time. 

Collections  of  proverbs,  that  is,  terse  epigrammatic 
sentences  that  express  a  generally  accepted  truth,  are 
found  among  most  peoples,  ancient  and  modern.  The 
Old  Testament  writers  were  conscious  that  all  nations 
had  their  “wise  men”  (cf.  Jer.  xlix.  7;  Ob.  8;  Ezk. 
xxviii.  3;  Isa.  xix.  11).  People  of  very  primitive  cul¬ 
ture  may,  and  often  do,  coin  these  happy  phrases  of 
homely  philosophy.  Samson  was  credited  with  more 
than  one  such,  but 

If  with  my  heifer  thou  did’st  not  plow 
Thou  would’st  not  have  read  my  riddle  now. 

was  his  best  (Jgs.  xiv.  18).  Solomon  gained  a  great 
reputation  for  discriminating  judgment  and  witty  re¬ 
tort.  No  doubt  the  reputation  was  merited. 

Like  all  literature,  proverbs,  though  they  deal  with 
human  life,  its  foibles  and  fancies,  its  conclusions  and 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  175 

ideals,  and  not  with  the  march  of  events,  always  af¬ 
ford  some  indication  of  the  strata  from  which  they 
have  come.  Like  the  pebbles  on  the  seashore,  though 
rounded  off  and  small,  they  bear  unmistakable  marks 
of  the  area  out  of  which  they  have  come. 

Many  of  the  proverbs  in  chapters  xxv.-xxix.  are  quite 
appropriate  for  the  early  days  of  Israel.  They,  in  fact, 
seem  to  be  the  earliest  collection  we  have.  It  may 
well  be  that  a  collection  was  made  in  the  days  of 
Hezekiah.  As  we  read  this  section,  we  observe  that 
only  an  occasional  proverb  has  any  bearing  on  nomadic 
life.  The  earliest  days  of  Israel  may  have  produced 
many  pithy  phrases,  but  few  of  them  have  survived. 
A  few  of  these  have  an  agricultural  background,  but 
it  is  rather  curious  that  a  greater  number  of  such 
have  not  been  preserved.  Commercial  and  city  life 
hold  the  place  of  prominence.  Kings  and  judges,  gos¬ 
siping  neighbors  and  wily  temptresses,  the  sluggard 
and  the  wicked  are  paraded  throughout. 

The  moral  tone  is  striking.  Monogamy  is  taken  for 
granted.  The  verdict  of  the  great  prophets  in  the  field 
of  ethics  is  assumed.  They  are  nonritualistic.  The 
stress  placed  on  the  evil  effects  of  the  tongue,  and  the 
call  to  avoid  the  temptress  suggest  evils  that  are  pro¬ 
nounced  in  well-developed  society.  The  idea  of  mono¬ 
theism  seems  unquestioned. 

While  there  are  indications  that  at  least  some  of 
the  individual  proverbs  may  have  come  from  a  later 
period,  it  seems  quite  reasonable  to  believe  that  a 
collection  of  wise  sayings  was  collected  in  this  period, 
and  that  a  nucleus  of  that  has  been  preserved  in  our 
present  book.  Other  parts  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs 
will  be  treated  later  (cf.  pp.  308-311). 

It  was  the  prophets,  however,  who  stamped  their 
names  indelibly  on  the  age  and  its  literary  monuments. 
Hosea  apparently  concluded  his  work  in  the  north 
not  later  than  735  b.c.  Isaiah  began  his  ministry  in 


176  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Jerusalem  a  few  years  earlier.  It  is  comparatively 
easy  to  follow  his  life  and  his  thought  when  we  rear¬ 
range  the  chronological  order  of  the  book  that  now 
bears  his  name. 

The  book  of  Isaiah  has  been  called  a  library  rather 
than  the  work  of  one  mind.  It  has  long  been  admitted 
that  Isaiah  xl.-lxvi.  belongs  to  a  period  later  than  the 
time  of  Isaiah.  Explanation  for  the  present  grouping 
of  these  chapters  is  not  far  to  seek.  The  capacity  of 
the  average  roll  was  about  large  enough  to  accommo¬ 
date  the  present  Isaiah,  sixty-six  chapters.  The 
“Twelve,”  that  is,  the  Minor  prophets,  evidently  were 
always  written  on  one  roll,  and  contain  just  sixty- 
seven  chapters.  This  is  essentially  the  same  size  as 
the  other  general  divisions  of  the  Old  Testament,  e.g., 
Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy, 
etc.  Further,  the  last  part  of  the  book  of  Isaiah  has 
much  that  is  complementary  to  the  first  part.  There 
are  certain  similarities  in  phrasing  and  vocabulary,  and 
still  more  important  is  the  fact  that  the  thought  is 
supplementary.  The  first  preaches  captivity,  the  sec¬ 
ond  heralds  the  return;  both  are  parts  of  one  divine 
purpose.  So  though  evidence  suggests  that  at  the 
time  of  the  writing  of  Chronicles,  about  300  b.c., 
Isaiah  xl.-lxvi.  was  attributed  to  Jeremiah  (cf.  II  Chr. 
xxxvi.  23,  and  Isa.  xliv.  24— xlv.  7),  we  can  easily  ap¬ 
preciate  the  present  companionship. 

Even  within  chapters  i.-xxxix.  there  are  sections  that 
belong  to  other  days  than  those  of  Isaiah.  The  most 
important  of  these  later  additions  are  Isaiah  xxxvi. — 
xxxix.,  which  form  an  historical  appendix  to  the 
prophecies,  having  been  copied  almost  verbatim  from 
II  Kings  xviii.  13 — xx.  19;  Isaiah  xxi.  1-10;  xxiii.  1-14, 
15-18;  xxxiv.,  xxxv.,  xix.  16-25,  which  describe  the 
doom  and  predict  the  redemption  of  foreign  nations  or 
of  Israel,  in  terms  that  assume  the  exile;  and  Isaiah 
xxiv.-xxvii.,  which  is  an  apocalyptic  vision.  These 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  177 

important  additions  will  be  studied  when  we  come  to 
the  historical  movements  that  were  the  occasion  of 
their  utterance.  In  no  case  is  the  value  of  these  and 
other  chapters  less  because  we  cannot  assign  them  to 
Isaiah.  Though  anonymous,  we  hear  in  them  the 
voice  of  the  divine  spirit,  guiding  and  inspiring  the 
people  of  God  in  their  hour  of  need. 

While  this  removes  much  of  the  present  book  from 
the  man  under  whose  name  we  have  always  read  it, 
there  still  remains  a  body  of  literature  of  undisputed 
authorship  which  places  Isaiah  well  up  in  the  forefront 
among  the  great  spiritual  leaders.  A  careful  study  of 
the  book  shows  that  we  have  a  large  number  of  poems 
imbedded  in  historical  narrative.  The  poetry  is 
marked  by  a  rare  gift  of  imagination,  coupled  with 
happy,  lucid  phrasing,  and  expresses  the  highest  moral 
and  spiritual  ideals.  Most  of  the  poems  are  very  brief, 
ix.  8 — X.  4  and  v.  24-29,  which  seems  to  be  a  con¬ 
tinuous  poem  in  the  order  given,  is  the  longest.  It 
seems  likely  that  these  poems  formed  a  part  of  the 
sermons  of  the  prophet,  for  he  was  a  preacher  rather 
than  a  writer.  Or  some  of  them  may  be  the  sermons 
later  reduced  to  poetic  form.  In  the  historical  narra¬ 
tives  we  have  in  part  Isaiah’s  autobiography  (cf.  vi., 
viii.  1-18),  and  in  part  the  report  of  a  third  party  (cf. 
vii.,  xxxvi.-xxxix.).  The  earliest  edition  of  the  book 
was  likely  made  by  one  of  his  disciples.  Later  addi¬ 
tions  were  made,  and  as  the  centuries  passed,  the  larger 
additions  and  interpolations  were  added,  until  we 
have  the  book  as  it  now  stands. 

Fully  to  appreciate  the  message  we  must,  so  far 
as  possible,  read  it  in  its  historical  setting.  The  fol¬ 
lowing  chronological  arrangement  of  part  of  the  ma¬ 
terial,  which  is  intended  as  a  working  basis,  will  with 
our  knowledge  of  the  times  assist  in  following  the  ac¬ 
tivities  of  the  prophet.  The  suggested  dates  are  not 
so  much  those  of  the  actual  writing  of  the  poem  or 


178  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


prose  narrative,  as  the  period  to  which  the  material 
refers. 

Between  737  and  732  b.c.  we  may  interpret  the  fol¬ 
lowing  passages : 

vi.  1-13 — Personal  experience,  couched  in  form  of  a 
vision. 

ii.  5-22 — Idolatry  of  Jacob  described,  and  punish¬ 
ment  threatened. 

V.  1-7 — Parable  of  the  vineyard.  Israel’s  worthless¬ 
ness. 

hi.  1- — iv.  1  (iii.  19-24?)  xxxii.  9-14 — Corruption 
among  the  rulers  and  women  of  Judah,  hence 
captivity  inevitable. 

vii.  1 — viii.  18— The  sign  given  to  Ahaz.  Damascus 
and  Samaria  are  to  suffer  within  a  few  years. 

viii.  19-22 — Necromancy  condemned. 

xvii.  1-11 — Ruin  coming  on  Damascus. 

ix.  8 — X.  4;  V.  24-29— A  poem  with  three  divisions, 
each  ending  with  the  same  refrain.  ^‘Emmanuel,” 
signifies  destruction  to  the  sinful  nation. 

These  messages  all  seem  to  come  from  the  time  be¬ 
tween  the  call  of  the  prophet  and  the  fall  of  Damascus. 
A  straightforward  moral  appeal  is  found  in  every  one 
of  the  above  fragments.  The  character  of  Yahweh 
is  such  that  he  can  be  absolutely  trusted,  and  ought  in 
all  crises  to  be  relied  on  by  the  nation.  The  most  insis¬ 
tent,  yet  tender,  appeal  to  repentance  is  everywhere 
present.  But  for  a  people  hard  of  heart  and  dull  of 
ear,  only  destruction  lies  ahead. 

From  727  to  722  b.c.,  from  the  date  of  the  death  of 
Tiglath-Pileser  to  the  fall  of  Samaria,  there  is  a  small 
body  of  literature : 

xiv.  28-32 — ^A  curse  on  Philistia. 

xxviii.  1-4 — A  woe  upon  Ephraim. 

xxiii.  1-14 — The  burden  of  Tyre. 

In  711  B.C.,  or  a  little  earlier,  Isaiah  began  his  spec¬ 
tacular,  symbolic  ministry  concerning  the  punishment 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  179 

of  Egypt,  Ethiopia,  and  the  smaller  allied  states.  The 
figure  of  this  aristocrat  going  around  like  a  barefoot, 
coatless  peasant,  must  have  appealed  to  the  popular 
imagination,  and  created  a  strong  sentiment  against 
the  alliance  that  was  being  formed  with  Egypt. 

XX.  1-6 — Isaiah  goes  around  like  the  poorest  slave. 

xvii.  12-14 — Uproar  because  of  invasion. 

xxi.  13-17 — Dedanite  caravans  will  be  scattered. 

xvi.  13-14 — Moab  will  be  crushed  inside  of  three 

years. 

XV.  xvi.  1-12 — An  old  prophecy  against  Moab,  used 
by  the  prophet. 

These  seem  to  be  the  response  of  Isaiah  to  the 
coalition  of  neighboring  nations  that  was  being  formed 
in  those  days  against  Assyria,  under  the  wing  of 
Egypt. 

Preceding  and  during  the  siege  of  Sennacherib  in 
701  B.C.,  we  have  much  that  enables  us  to  reconstruct 
the  ancient  scenes,  and  relive  the  ancient  experiences. 

xxviii.  7-20;  xxx.  1-17;  xxxi.  1-4;  xviii.  1-6 — All  de¬ 
nounce  in  no  uncertain  terms  the  alliance  that 
Judah  has  made  with  Egypt,  and  proclaim  de¬ 
struction. 

xxix.  1-16 — States  that  within  a  year,  Jerusalem  will 
suffer  siege  by  an  immense  army  because  the  city 
is  full  of  debauchery  and  religious  insincerity. 

xxii.  15-25 — Makes  a  virulent,  personal  attack  on 
Shebna,  a  high  official,  who  was  possibly  con¬ 
nected  with  the  pro-Egyptian  party  that  Isaiah  so 
thoroughly  disliked.  He  predicts  his  dismissal 
from  office,  and  then  proceeds  to  assist  in  the  ful¬ 
fillment  of  his  own  words  (cf.  xxxvi.  3). 

X.  24-32 — Urges  the  people  of  Zion  to  have  no  fear 
of  the  Assyrian,  who  is  already  approaching  in 
the  distance,  and, 

X.  5-19 — Threatens  the  invader  with  punishment  be¬ 
cause  of  his  arrogance. 


180  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Apparently,  Jerusalem,  immediately  after  her  de¬ 
liverance  from  Sennacherib,  went  wild  with  joy  and 
reckless  revelry.  Isaiah  reproached  them  because  they 
had  not  learned  their  lesson : 

xxii.  1-4 — They  had  rejoiced  in  their  own  strength 
rather  than  looking  to  him  who  purposed  it. 
i.  1-31 — So  appropriately  called  the  great  arraign¬ 
ment,  describes  the  actual  conditions  after  701  b.c. 
All  is  spoiled  and  desolate,  and  the  people  who 
have  borne  the  rod  of  Yahweh’s  anger,  the  As¬ 
syrian  siege,  now  turn  to  revelry  on  the  one  hand, 
and  to  ritual  on  the  other.  They  are  as  forgetful 
and  as  unfaithful  as  they  were  before. 

How  many  years  Isaiah  lived  after  this,  we  do  not 
know.  Historical  landmarks  are  gone.  Already  he 
had  been  a  central  figure  in  the  national  life  for  forty 
years,  and  his  influence  and  his  word  must  have  con¬ 
tinued.  He  may  indeed  have  taken  part  in  the  reform 
of  Hezekiah,  but  whether  he  was  then  living  or  not, 
his  influence  upon  many  leaders  of  that  day  must 
have  been  permanent.  History  had  in  a  very  em¬ 
phatic  way  vindicated  his  pronouncements,  and  the 
centuries  also  have  acknowledged  his  principles. 

The  importance  of  his  message  makes  a  summary 
worth  while.  His  life  and  thought  were  dominated  by 
his  initial  religious  experience,  his  vision  in  the  temple. 
He  was  at  that  time  pondering  what  to  his  age  was 
a  vital  theological  question,  why  did  good  king  Uzziah 
die  a  leper,  which  according  to  the  orthodoxy  of  the 
day  could  only  fall  on  the  greatest  sinners.  A  vision 
of  Yahweh,  the  Holy  One,  separated  from  humanity 
chiefly  by  his  moral  nature,  showed  him  the  unclean¬ 
ness  of  his  own  hps,  and  the  corruption  of  all  the 
people,  and  in  the  new  light  the  old  problem  was  super¬ 
seded  by  a  much  more  serious  and  more  practical  one. 
Hence  he  has  a  twofold  message. 

The  whole  nation  is  morally  corrupt,  every  head  is 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  181 

sick,  and  every  heart  is  faint,  hence  there  must  be  re¬ 
pentance  or  punishment.  No  prophet  more  ade¬ 
quately  expressed  the  demands  of  social  righteousness 
than  Isaiah,  nor  is  any  one  more  definite  than  he  in 
declaring  that  the  visitation  of  God  on  such  people 
must  bring  destruction. 

His  second  principle  was  that  Yahweh,  who  is  high 
and  lifted  up,  is  quite  able  to  control  all  the  affairs  of 
state,  and  defend  his  own  people,  hence  faith,  trust 
in  him,  was  the  first  law  of  national  life.  This  he 
repeated  in  the  two  great  crises  of  national  history.  In 
734  B.C.  he  counseled  Ahaz  to  ^Take  heed  and  be  quiet” 
(vii.  4),  and  when  he  was  persuaded  that  the  king  had 
determined  to  call  to  his  aid  the  material  resources  of 
Assyria,  he  concluded:  If  ye  will  not  believe  neither 
shall  ye  be  relieved  (vii.  9). 

In  701  B.C.,  when  Sennacherib  came  against  Jerusa¬ 
lem,  his  counsel  was  the  same.  He  assured  them  their 
affiliation  with  Egypt  could  only  mean  disaster,  but, 
returning  and  rest  ye  shall  be  saved,  in  quietness 
and  in  confidence  shall  be  your  strength”  (xxx.  15). 

History  affirms  that  Isaiah  was  confident  that 
Yahweh  would  preserve  the  city  (xxxvii.  6-7,  21-35). 
A  passage  that  is  often  lifted  quite  out  of  its  context, 
belongs  to  this  period,  and  indicates  his  very  profound 
conception  of  faith.  When  a  party  in  Jerusalem 
gloried  in  their  alliance  with  Egypt,  and  flattered 
themselves  that  the  city  would  thereby  be  saved  from 
the  ravages  of  Assyria,  Isaiah  declared  that  the  corner 
stone  of  Zion’s  safety  was  not  national  resources,  but 
was  faith:  ^‘he  that  believeth  shall  not  make  haste” 
(xxviii.  14-16). 

Not  only  was  his  faith  in  Yahweh  unshaken  from 
the  beginning,  but  also  from  the  beginning  he  had 
faith  in  Israel’s  destiny.  Shear  Yashub,  ^^a  remnant 
shall  return,”  was  the  name  of  his  oldest  son.  He  was 
a  living  witness,  it  is  true,  of  a  coming  disaster,  but 


182  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATUKE 


even  more  so  of  a  returning  remnant  (vii.  3;  x.  20-23). 
Just  what  the  details  of  that  deliverance  would  be,  or 
how  the  kingdom  would  be  reestablished,  does  not 
seem  to  have  interested  the  prophet.  He  had  a  vital 
message  for  most  critical  conditions,  and  in  that  there 
was  no  uncertain  sound.  His  own  experience  was  the 
foundation  for  his  faith,  which  was  strengthened  by 
the  group  of  disciples  who  gathered  around  him,  and 
by  the  movements  of  history.  The  manifestation  of 
Yahweh  to  him  had  been  in  the  temple  in  Jerusalem. 
Hence  it  was  no  long  step  for  him  to  believe  in  the 
inviolability  of  the  city  (cf.  viii.  18;  xviii.  7;  xxviii.  16, 
17;  xxxi.  5).  History  and  religion  both  pointed  in 
that  direction. 

The  city  that  was  the  hearth  fire  of  Yahweh,  could 
be  the  capital  of  none  but  a  holy  land,  and  its  king 
could  be  nothing  less  than  ideal.  The  splendid  visions 
of  the  messianic  kingdom,  in  which  nature  would  be 
regenerated,  and  the  ruler  would  be  absolutely  ideal, 
fill  out  the  complement  to  the  prophet’s  doctrine  of 
faith  (ix.  1-6,  xi.  1-8).  Some,  because  of  the  lan¬ 
guage  and  the  isolation  of  these  passages,  feel  that 
they  fit  better  into  the  life  and  the  hopes  of  the  people 
of  550,  or  500  b.c.  or  even  centuries  later,  than  they 
do  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah.  However  that  may  be, 
they  are  the  concrete  expression  apart  from  which 
Isaiah’s  faith  would  not  be  complete.  They  are  the 
very  climax  of  the  conception  of  a  redeemed  nation 
and  a  redeeming  God,  both  of  which  are  related  to 
Isaiah’s  doctrine  of  faith. 

The  book  of  Micah  presents  a  somewhat  similar, 
critical  problem  to  that  of  Isaiah.  We  have,  more¬ 
over,  one  sure  landmark,  we  might  say  the  surest  in 
Old  Testament  prophecy.  Micah  iii.  12  is  quoted  in 
Jeremiah  xxvi.  18,  in  608  b.c.,  by  Jeremiah’s  defenders 
as  a  precedent  of  a  man  who,  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah, 
denounced  the  city  and  still  did  not  suffer  death.  This 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  735-686  B.C.  183 

vouches  for  both  the  date  and  the  tone  of  Micah’s 
message. 

He  was  a  country  man,  who,  quite  likely  because  of 
the  Assyrian  campaigns,  came  to  Jerusalem  to  live. 
He  saw  city  life  with  the  clear  eyes  of  an  unsophisti¬ 
cated,  honest,  democratic,  rustic  lad.  He  was  a  kin¬ 
dred  spirit  to  Amos,  with  a  little  more  of  an  Elijah 
in  his  make-up.  Along  with  a  good  literary  gift  he 
had  a  consuming  passion  for  righteousness.  The  city 
civilization,  with  its  follies,  its  iniquities,  and  its  in¬ 
equalities,  appalled  him.  Kings  and  princes,  prophets 
and  priests,  all  were  false,  murderers,  grafters,  liars, 
drunkards,  covetous,  unclean  and  immoral;  so  were 
all  the  city-dwellers.  The  city  itself  was  the  cesspool 
of  civilization.  Samaria  was  the  sin  of  Jacob,  Jerusa¬ 
lem  was  the  sin  of  Judah.  Hence  the  city  must  be 
wiped  out.  Such  was  the  message  that  this  man,  in 
stinging,  scathing  accents,  poured  out  upon  the  corrupt 
city  shortly  before  701  b.c.,  when  he  saw  the  Assyrian 
army  on  the  Palestinian  horizon.  Because  of  the  moral 
condition,  the  city  will  surely  be  wiped  out  (iii.  12). 
Micah  vi.  6-8,  is  the  most  comprehensive  epitome  of 
true  religion  we  have  in  the  early  prophets.  There 
are  a  number  of  sections  in  iv.-vii.  that  have  the  same 
tone  as  i.-iii.,  and  may  reasonably  be  accepted  as  from 
the  same  period  (v.  10-14;  vi.  9-16;  vii.  1-6).  The 
remaining  parts  of  iv.-vii.  have  a  quite  different  mes¬ 
sage,  and  seem  to  come  from  a  very  different  atmos¬ 
phere.  In  the  above  lies  the  assured  contribution  of 
Micah. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  b.c. 
The  Reigns  of  Manasseh,  Amon  and  Josiah 


Kings 


Manasseh 

Amon 

Josiah 


686 

641 

639-608 


II  Kings  xxi.  1 — ^xxiii.  30 ;  II  Chronicles  xxxiii.-xxxv. ; 
Jeremiah  i-xii.;  Zephaniah  i.-iii.;  Nahum;  Deu¬ 
teronomy. 

A — The  Reigns  of  Manasseh  and  Amon 

The  close  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  reached  the  high- 
water  mark  for  spiritual  religion  in  Judah  up  to  that 
time.  Isaiah  and  men  who  were  like-minded  must 
have  been  highly  gratified.  Religious  reaction  was, 
however,  inevitable.  The  country  shrines,  sacred  from 
the  time  of  Abraham  and  honored  by  Jacob,  Gideon, 
Samuel,  and  David,  torn  down  by  the  invading  As¬ 
syrian  in  701  B.C.,  had  also  suffered  indignities  in  the 
reforms  of  Hezekiah.  Ancient  symbols  of  worship,  hal¬ 
lowed  by  centuries  of  religious  experience,  had  been 
destroyed.  Jerusalem  and  the  temple  priests  had  pro¬ 
fited  at  the  expense  of  the  village  altars  and  the  coun¬ 
try  priesthood.  The  religious  and  social  feelings  of 
many  people  had  been  outraged  by  the  prophets. 


184 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  185 

Isaiah^s  attack  on  the  women  (Isa.  iii.  16-24),  would 
scarcely  be  forgiven  by  the  court  beauties.  Lovers  of 
the  pro- Assyrian  policy  of  Ahaz  were  still  living  when 
Hezekiah  died.  Indignation  and  jealousy  because  of 
the  past  reforming  and  prophetic  regime  must  have 
been  prevalent. 

Then  a  boy  of  twelve,  Manasseh  came  to  the  throne 
(II  Kgs.  xxi.  1-18).  Assyria’s  sun  was  now  at  the 
zenith.  Judah  and  her  neighbors  were  tributary  to 
this,  the  most  commanding  nation  of  the  world,  why 
not  be  allied  to  her  religiously?  There  must  have 
been  dissension  at  court  and  throughout  the  land. 
Civil  warfare,  most  relentless  because  of  religious  mo¬ 
tives,  is  a  fair  interpretation  of  the  report:  ^‘Manas- 
seh  shed  innocent  blood  very  much  till  he  filled  Jeru¬ 
salem  from  one  end  to  the  other.”  The  individual 
contestants,  the  length  of  time  occupied,  the  part 
Isaiah  played,  if  any,  cannot  even  be  conjectured,  but 
the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  pro-Assyrian,  anti-reform 
party  is  certain. 

Our  records  are  brief  but  definite.  Manasseh,  who 
while  he  bears  the  brunt  of  condemnation,  was  sup¬ 
ported  by,  perhaps  was  even  the  tool  of  the  victorious 
party,  completely  restored  the  worship  of  the  old- 
time  religion.  The  high  places  again  flourished. 
Ashera  and  pillars  were  again  erected.  Sun  worship 
was  reestablished  in  Jerusalem.  Assyrian  altars  again 
found  a  place  in  the  temple.  Altars  to  the  queen  of 
heaven  were  built  on  many  house  tops.  Divination 
assumed  an  important  place,  and  the  old  Semitic  evi¬ 
dences  of  devotion  to  deity,  as  child  sacrifice,  were  re¬ 
instated  (II  Kgs.  xxi.  2-7).  Such  was  the  tenor  of 
his  reign  of  fifty-five  years  according  to  the  account 
in  Kings.  The  Assyrian  chronicles  adds  little  that 
throws  any  light  on  the  story. 

Yet  in  world  politics  these  were  great  days.  Sen¬ 
nacherib  of  Assyria  came  to  an  untimely  end  in  681  b.c. 


186  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


at  the  hand  of  two  of  his  sons  who  fled  the  country 
(II  Kgs.  xix.  37).  Esarhaddon  (681-668  b.c.),  another 
son,  came  to  the  throne  and  was  in  turn  succeeded  by 
his  son  Ashurbanipal  (668-626  b.c.).  From  681  to  646 
B.c.  there  were  constant  revolts  of  subject  peoples,  east, 
west,  and  south,  which  were  in  every  field  promptly, 
sometimes  mercilessly,  put  down,  Esarhaddon  rebuilt 
in  a  very  generous  way  the  rebel  city  Babylon  which 
his  father  in  689  b.c.  had  completely  destroyed.  He 
conquered  the  revolting  Medes,  defeated  northern 
hordes  in  677  b.c.,  subdued  Sidon  in  the  west,  and 
colonized  Samaria  in  674  and  again  in  673  b.c.  (cf. 
Ezra  iv.  2).  Then  in  670  b.c.  he  sent  his  armies  into 
Egypt,  and  after  severe  fighting  took  Memphis,  and 
had  himself  crowned  king  of  Egypt,  while  Tirhakah 
had  to  take  refuge  in  Thebes. 

Manasseh  was  in  these  years  a  faithful  subject  of 
Esarhaddon.  In  two  early  Assyrian  records  he  is 
numbered  among  the  tributary  states.  ‘  He  is  reported 
to  have  sent  building  material  for  the  palace  of  the 
king  in  Nineveh  in  674  b.c.,  and  in  the  Egyptian  cam¬ 
paign  in  670  B.C.,  mention  is  made  of  a  contingent  of 
soldiers  that  he  furnished. 

Ashurbanipal  had  to  send  his  army  twice  into  Egypt, 
and  the  second  time,  in  600  b.c.,  he  pushed  up  the 
Nile  as  far  as  Thebes,  which  he  conquered.  Tyre  was 
sieged  in  the  same  campaign,  and  though  not  com¬ 
pletely  reduced,  paid  tribute  to  Assyria  along  with 
neighboring  states.  Babylonia  revolted  in  652  b.c.,  and 
drew  together  a  strong  alliance  of  neighboring  states. 
Almost  seven  years  were  taken  to  reduce  the  city,  but 
in  646  B.c.  Assyria  was  free  to  punish  Arabians 
and  others  who  had  either  been  actively  connected 
with  the  Babylonian  rebellion  or  had  in  the  hour 
of  Assyria’s  greatest  difl&culty  repudiated  their 
allegiance. 

Nowhere  in  the  Assyrian  chronicles  nor  in  Kings 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  187 

is  there  any  mention  of  disloyalty  on  the  part  of 
Manasseh.  It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that  during 
the  Babylonian  revolt  he  may  have  been  lined  up  with 
Moab,  Edom,  and  Tyre,  and  that  such  may  be  the  basis 
of  a  story  in  Chronicles  (II  Chr.  xxxiii.  11-13),  which 
was  further  enlarged  in  the  booklet,  the  Prayer  of 
Manasseh. 

The  military  activities  of  these  two  Assyrian  mon- 
archs  were  brilliant,  though  exhausting  to  a  degree, 
but  a  more  worthy  fame  belongs  to  each.  Esarhaddon 
was  a  great  builder,  and  his  chief  interest  lay  in  temple 
architecture.  Nineveh  was  enriched,  and  Babylon  was 
restored.  At  least  thirty  temples,  in  various  cities 
throughout  the  land,  and  especially  the  great  temple 
to  Ashur  in  Nineveh,  were  built  or  beautified  by  his 
orders.  His  successor  was  likewise  a  builder,  and  to 
him  was  due  the  chief  glory  of  Nineveh.  But  his  lit¬ 
erary  interest,  as  shown  by  his  great  palace  library 
in  Nineveh,  consisting  of  tens  of  thousands  of  clay 
tablets  was  Ashurbanipal’s  greatest  contribution  to 
history.  His  scribes  diligently  copied  the  old  records 
of  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  and  brought  together  the 
greatest  collection  of  history,  poetry,  theology,  and 
science  ever  collected  in  one  place  up  to  that  time,  so 
far  as  is  known.  Such  were  the  achievements  and 
interests  of  Manasseh’s  overlords. 

Amon  reigned  two  years.  He  was  slain  by  the  court 
servants,  and  the  people  of  the  land  slew  the  regicides 
(II  Kgs.  xxi.  19-24).  No  more  is  said.  Was  it  an¬ 
other  religious  revolution?  Were  the  court  servants 
dissatisfied  with  the  long  Assyrian  regime,  or  was  the 
new  king  influenced  by  another  group  of  religious  lead¬ 
ers?  Who  knows? 

A  Half  Century  of  Silence — During  nearly  half  a 
century,  the  time  of  the  reign  of  these  two  kings,  not 
only  are  the  historical  records  meager,  but  the  Old 
Testament  literature  fails  to  produce  the  name  of  a 


188  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


writer  or  a  preacher  who  was  proclaiming  the  word  of 
Yahweh.  Where  were  the  disciples  of  Isaiah  or  the  suc¬ 
cessors  of  Amos  and  Micah?  Some  think  that  parts 
of  Micah,  iv.-vii.,  may  have  been  written  during  the 
early  days  of  Manasseh.  But  the  sons  of  the  prophets, 
where  were  they?  Slain  were  many  of  them.  Tradi¬ 
tion  says  that  Isaiah  was  sawn  asunder,  and  this  may 
well  be  the  fact,  for  the  leading  spirit  of  reform  in 
the  days  of  Hezekiah  would  not  long  be  tolerated  under 
the  changed  regime. 

But  thorough  as  the  revolution  was,  many  must 
have  escaped  and  fled  to  cover.  Silent  they  may  have 
been,  but  not  idle.  Downcast,  but  not  all  of  Isaiah’s 
followers  could  have  lost  confidence  in  Yahweh.  They 
had  a  half  a  century  in  which  to  con  over  the  experi¬ 
ences  of  the  nation  and  the  religious  contributions  of 
the  prophets,  to  reinterpret  in  the  light  of  wider  knowl¬ 
edge  the  ancient  laws  and  customs,  to  put  in  writing 
perhaps  some  of  their  noblest  inspirations,  and  to  pre¬ 
pare,  yes,  perhaps  to  plot,  for  the  hour  that  was  sure 
to  come.  It  is  scarcely  safe  to  conjecture  what  part, 
if  any,  the  prophetic  party  had  in  the  civil  strife  at 
the  end  of  Amon’s  life,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
they  profited  by  the  change. 

B — The  Reign  of  Josiah 

Josiah’s  reign  (639-608  b.c.)  has  little  significance  in 
world  history.  Jerusalem  was  now  practically  the 
limit  of  his  kingdom.  A  hundred  years  of  Ass3n’ian 
warfare  and  splendor  had  sapped  her  strength,  and  the 
last  half  of  the  reign  of  Ashurbanipal  showed  many 
signs  of  decay.  Psamtik  I  (664-610  b.c.),  the  Egyptian 
king,  began  his  long  siege  of  Ashdod  in  639  b.c.  In 
626  B.c.  on  the  death  of  Ashurbanipal,  Babylonia  de¬ 
clared  her  independence.  The  next  year  Nineveh 
was  besieged  by  Umman  Manda,  but  was  saved  by 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  189 

the  approach  of  the  Scythians,  who  were  allies  of 
Assyria. 

These  Scythians,  a  barbarian  people  from  the 
steppes  between  the  Don  and  the  Danube,  began  pour¬ 
ing  down  into  Asia  Minor  and  Mesopotamia  about 
650  B.C.  In  630  b.c.,  having  made  a  formal  alliance 
with  Assyria,  they  came  down  through  Syria,  an  unor¬ 
ganized  horde  of  swiftly-moving  horsemen  and  wagons, 
bent  chiefly  on  plunder,  bringing  terror  to  the  inhab¬ 
itants,  and  finally  menacing  Egypt.  They  were  easily 
bought  off  and  turned  back  at  the  frontier  of  Egypt, 
and  went  back  the  way  they  had  come,  without  inflict¬ 
ing  on  Judah  the  disaster  generally  feared.  Bethshean 
in  Esdraelon,  according  to  tradition,  was  settled  by  a 
group  of  these  retiring  marauders. 

Necho  II  of  Egypt  (610-594  b.c.),  in  608  b.c.,  aware 
of  the  weakness  of  Nineveh,  determined  to  share  in  the 
spoils.  He  led  his  army  along  the  highway  of  Philistia, 
reduced  Gaza  and  Askelon,  and  at  Megiddo,  perhaps 
Migdol  near  the  Philistine  territory  (so  Herodotus), 
was  flanked  by  Josiah  with  a  small  Judean  army.  Why 
the  king  of  Jerusalem  was  so  foolhardy  we  can  scarcely 
conjecture.  He  surely  did  not  now  consider  himself 
an  ally  of  Assyria.  Was  he  anxious  to  extend  his 
domain  to  the  old-time  Israeli tish  boundary?  Could 
he  believe  because  of  his  reform  of  the  worship,  which 
he  had  inaugurated  in  621  b.c.  that  he  and  his  army 
must  be  invulnerable  to  the  spear-thrust  of  the  mighty 
foe?  Whatever  the  cause,  he  would  listen  to  no  reason, 
obtruded  his  army  in  the  pathway  of  Egypt,  and,  per¬ 
haps  the  victim  of  his  faith,  died  on  the  battlefield. 
The  good  king  was  greatly  mourned  by  the  people,  and 
months  after  his  death,  Jeremiah  rebuked  them  for 
their  long  protracted  lamentation  (Jer.  xxii.  10,  16), 
and  elegies  were  even  centuries  later  sung  over  him 
by  the  professional  singers  of  Israel  (II  Chr.  xxxv. 
25). 


190  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


C — The  Prophets  and  The  Reform 

Zephaniah — ^The  reformation  of  Josiah”  was  the 
event  of  chief  importance  in  his  reign.  It  is  not  likely 
that  the  boy  of  eight  had  any  very  definite  personal 
convictions  when  he  came  to  the  throne.  But  in  his 
early  years  there  was  a  new  spirit  in  the  air. 
Zephaniah,  a  young  man,  possibly  a  relative  of  the 
king,  born  in  the  heyday  of  Manasseh’s  power,  as  his 
name,  ^‘Yahweh  hides,^’  would  indicate,  was  so  stirred 
by  events  religious  and  political  that  he  could  not  hold 
his  peace. 

To  this  young  prophet  the  city  seemed  ripe  for  de¬ 
struction.  Polluted,  oppressing,  and  unjust  so  that  she 
was  shameless;  her  judges  a  pack  of  wolves;  her 
prophets  treacherous ;  her  priests  profane ;  all  her  lead¬ 
ers  practical  atheists;  how  could  a  God  of  justice  and 
light  tolerate  her  any  longer?  Add  to  this  her  Baal¬ 
ism,  her  sun-worship,  her  horrible  Moloch  worship,  and 
her  numerous  foreign  religious  customs  practiced  in 
the  name  of  Yahweh,  surely  the  last  day  had  come! 

How  was  Yahweh  going  to  punish  the  city  for  this 
moral  and  religious  apostasy?  The  cloud  of  Scythians 
on  the  distant  horizon  loomed  up  before  the  prophet. 
Surely  they  were  the  guests  consecrated  by  Yahweh 
for  his  great  banquet  (Zeph.  i.  7-13).  Surely  they 
were  bringing  in  the  day  of  wrath,  a  day  of  distress 
and  desolation,  of  waste  and  darkness,  a  day  of  gloom 
and  of  cloud,  yea  of  thundercloud,  a  day  of  trumpet, 
and  of  battle  cry  (Zeph.  i.  15-16). 

Perhaps  about  630  b.c.  his  voice  was  raised  aloud  in 
protest.  He  seized  on  an  old  popular  conception,  the 
day  of  Yahweh,  and  transformed  it  to  his  purpose. 
It  was  a  phrase  of  ancient  origin,  used  by  those  who 
expected  Yahweh,  the  God  of  battles,  miraculously  to 
overthrow  all  enemies,  and  establish  Israel  as  a  nation 
simply  because  he  was  their  God.  Amos  had  already 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  191 

given  it  moral  content  (Amos  i.  2).  Likewise  Zeph- 
aniah,  striking  out  against  the  moral  corruptions  and 
the  prevailing  foreign  ritual,  conceived  that  the  day 
of  Yahweh  was  primarily  ethical.  He  further  declared 
it  to  be  disciplinary,  that  it  would  be  immediate,  and 
would  involve  all  the  near  neighbors  of  Judah  (Zeph. 
i.  14,  15;  ii.  4-7,  12-14).  In  this  we  find  some  of  the 
features  that  are  later  developed  in  apocalyptic  litera¬ 
ture.  The  message  in  Zephaniah  iii.  14-20  is  univer¬ 
sally  admitted  to  be  post-exilic. 

Jeremiah — At  the  same  time  a  young  man  of  whom 
we  know  much  more  than  we  do  of  Zephaniah  ap¬ 
peared  on  the  scene.  Jeremiah  belonged  to  the  family 
of  exiled  priests  who  were  in  Anathoth,  but  he  shows 
none  of  the  priestly  characteristics  (cf.  I  Kgs.  ii.  26, 

27) .  In  626  b.c.  he  began  his  ministry  with  a  bitter 
tirade  against  the  sins  of  the  nation.  The  substance  of 
his  message  for  the  first  five  years  of  his  preaching  has 
been  preserved  in  Jeremiah  ii.-vi.  His  diagnosis  of  the 
situation  was  similar  to  that  of  his  contemporary, 
though  he  centered  his  attack  on  the  moral  apostasy 
which  he  considered  without  parallel  in  religious  his¬ 
tory  (ii.  9-13).  The  arguments  and  the  figures  used 
are  among  the  most  scathing  in  literature  (cf.  ii.  20- 

28) .  Swift  punishment  at  the  hands  of  the  dreaded 
Scythian  cavalry  must  be  the  coming  punishment  for 
these  flagrant  sins  (iv.  11 — vi.  26). 

The  Reform  Activity — That  two  prophets  could  ut¬ 
ter  words  like  these  in  Jerusalem  and  escape,  shows 
that  the  tide  had  already  turned.  Further,  the  nation 
was  in  no  fear  of  the  Assyrian,  for  under  a  weak  ruler, 
who  was  beset  by  strong  foes,  she  was  already  in  her 
death  throes.  If  Assyria  could  not  now  harm,  neither 
could  her  gods  help,  would  be  the  popular  line  of  argu¬ 
ment.  Those  who  were  eager  for  the  reform  of  condi¬ 
tions  had  now  everything  on  their  side. 

In  621  B.C.,  King  Josiah  sent  his  ofiicers  to  repair  cer- 


192  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


tain  breaches  in  the  temple,  the  origin  of  which  we 
know  nothing  (II  Kgs.  xxii.  2 — xxiii.).  In  the  work  of 
renovation  a  scroll  was  found  and  read  by  Hilkiah  the 
priest.  He  deemed  it  of  suflicient  value  to  pass  it  oh  to 
Shaphan,  the  king’s  scribe,  who  read  it  to  the  king. 
Its  contents  were  startling.  Its  precepts,  though  sim¬ 
ple,  had  never  been  observed.  It  called  down  the  di¬ 
vine  wrath  on  all  who  varied  from  its  statutes.  The 
king  sent  a  committee  to  Huldah,  an  aged  prophetess, 
to  obtain  her  judgment.  She  declared  that  it  was  a 
true  word  of  Yahweh,  and  ought  to  be  obeyed.  The 
king  called  a  convocation  of  the  elders  and  all  the 
people  of  Jerusalem.  The  roll  was  read  in  their  hear¬ 
ing,  and  they  accepted  it  as  the  will  of  Yahweh,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  keep  the  statutes  and  the  ^com¬ 
mandments. 

Then  the  work  of  reform  began  in  earnest,  and  the 
city  and  neighboring  villages  were  cleansed  of  their 
idolatry.  The  last  vestiges  of  Baal  worship,  of  sun 
worship,  of  Moloch  worship,  together  with  their  priests 
and  their  attendants  and  the  houses  of  the  temple  pros¬ 
titutes  were  destroyed.  Objects  such  as  the  Ashera, 
that  like  the  Nehushtan  in  Hezekiah’s  time,  had  been 
there  beyond  memory,  were  pulled  down  and  burned 
in  the  Kidron.  The  high  places  in  the  villages  were 
razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  reforming  zeal  did  not 
stop  till  it  reached  as  far  north  as  Bethel.  Then  a 
great  passover,  an  innovation  in  part,  as  it  was  ob¬ 
served  in  Jerusalem  instead  of  in  the  home  of  the  indi¬ 
vidual  (cf.  Ex.  xii.  21-27,  J.),  was  held,  as  the  signal 
celebration  of  the  reform. 

This  reformation,  described  with  so  much  minutiae 
in  Kings,  had  three  important  features.  It  was  ritual¬ 
istic,  but  the  worship  was  purified  as  it  had  not  been 
even  in  the  searching  reforms  of  Hezekiah.  It  now  was 
cleansed  from  all  objects  of  worship,  and  was  made 
imageless.  Further,  its  keynote  was  the  centralization 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  193 

of  worship.  The  hillside  altars  were  no  longer  legiti¬ 
mate,  and  the  sacrifice,  the  feasts,  and  the  passover 
must  be  observed  only  in  the  Jerusalem  temple.  The 
third  fact  is,  that  it  grew  out  of  a  book  which  Judah 
formally  accepted  as  its  authority  in  matters  of  faith 
and  practice.  Having  fulfilled  so  zealously  all  the  re¬ 
quirements  of  this  book,  they  might  now  expect  all  the 
promised  national  blessing. 

The  Book  of  the  Law — A  most  interesting  and  im¬ 
portant  question  is,  can  we  to-day  identify  the  book 
of  the  law?  A  law  so  vital  could  surely  not  be  lost, 
and  one  so  fully  described  should  not  be  difficult  to 
locate.  Scholars  for  centuries,  going  back  as  early  as 
the  time  of  Jerome,  have  conceded  that  Deuteronomy 
xii.-xxvi.,  xxviii.,  or  Deuteronomy  xii.-xix.,  xxviii.,  or 
all  the  book  of  Deuteronomy,  fully  meets  all  the  re¬ 
quirements  of  the  reform  as  indicated  in  Kings.  Strange 
to  say,  the  failure  to  enforce  one  of  the  regulations  of 
Deuteronomy,  viz.,  that  the  priests  at  the  high  places 
should  be  privileged  to  serve  in  the  temple  in  Jeru¬ 
salem,  is  acknowledged  in  a  rather  apologetic  note  (Dt. 
xviii.  6-8;  cf.  II  Kgs.  xxiii.  9).  Beyond  this  there  are 
many  evidences  that  leave  little  room  for  doubt.  It  is 
a  book  of  cursings  and  blessings  such  as  might  strike 
terror  into  the  guilty  (cf.  Dt.  xxviii.).  It  is  ritualistic 
in  all  its  parts,  and  demands  that  sacrifice,  festivals, 
and  passover  should  be  observed  at  the  central  sanc¬ 
tuary  (Dt.  xii.  2-5,  8,  13,  18,  26;  xvi.  2,  5,  6,  11,  15,  16). 
It  bans  all  images  (Dt.  xvi.  21,  22;  xii.  3),  and  the  re¬ 
ligious  festivals  are  now  made  national  rather  than 
domestic.  In  fact  Deuteronomy  xii.-xix.,  xxviii.,  is 
adequate  for  all  the  requirements  of  the  reform  as  re¬ 
ported  in  Kings. 

But  this  introduces  another  question  that  is  of  no 
less  vital  interest  to  us.  Who  wrote  this  book  of  the 
law?  A  few  simple  propositions  will  help  us  to  a 
conclusion.  It  must  have  been  a  comparatively  small 


194  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


roll.  The  impression  is  that  it  could  be  read  through 
perhaps  at  one  sitting.  As  we  read  the  story  we  could 
not  think  of  it  being  equivalent  to  our  Pentateuch, 
which  could  not  have  been  written  on  one  of  the  old 
rolls.  Further,  it  was  a  roll  that  was  unknown  to  the 
religious  leaders,  and  its  most  important  provisions 
had  never  been  enforced  or  even  referred  to  in  religious 
history.  A  central  sanctuary  had  never  been  observed 
previously. 

Yet  we  can  clearly  see  definite  influences  in  the  life 
of  the  nation  pointing  towards  all  the  principle  regula¬ 
tions  that  were  adopted  at  this  time.  The  divine  finger 
in  history  had  for  centuries  been  pointing  very  defi¬ 
nitely  towards  centralization  of  worship.  The  temple 
in  Jerusalem,  because  of  its  splendor,  had  at  once 
gained  a  preeminence,  and  every  century  had  added  to 
its  dignity.  The  fall  of  Samaria  in  722  b.c.  left  it  with¬ 
out  any  rival.  The  destruction  of  the  village  altars  by 
the  army  of  Sennacherib  in  701  b.c.,  and  the  escape  of 
Jerusalem  again  added  to  its  prestige.  The  message  of 
Isaiah,  and  his  indignant  reply  to  the  Assyrian  ambas¬ 
sadors,  ^The  virgin  daughter  of  Zion  hath  laughed  thee 
to  scorn,”  climaxed  the  testimony  of  history,  and  was 
sufiicient  to  convince  all  but  the  most  skeptical  that 
the  temple  was  Yahweh’s  special  care,  and  that  his 
abode  was  there  as  in  no  other  place. 

Hosea  had  attacked  the  idolatry  and  immorality  car¬ 
ried  on  at  the  high  places,  and  all  the  religious-minded 
men  of  Judah  must  have  realized  the  social  menace 
involved  in  this  licentious  worship  which  never  could 
be  supervised  so  long  as  there  was  a  multitude  of 
shrines,  each  one  independent  of  the  other.  It  was 
evident  that  one  sanctuary,  carefully  guarded  by  a 
purified  priesthood,  trained  in  a  cleansed  ritual,  alone 
could  provide  a  pure  worship,  and  prevent  the  license 
and  lust  that  was  prevalent  in  other  places.  Thus,  in 
general,  the  movement  towards  Deuteronomy  seems 


^  THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  195 

plain  and  points  to  the  times  following  Hosea  and 
^  ;  Isaiah. 

(Many  of  the  details  of  the  book  likewise  bear  the 
earmarks  of  history.  In  fact,  most  of  the  laws  in  the 
judgments  of  C.C.  are  again  found  here,  but  in  a  form 
suited  to  the  industrial  rather  than  to  the  agricul¬ 
tural  life.  When  we  compare,  by  way  of  illustration, 
the  law  for  the  male  slave  Exodus  xxi.  2-6  with  Deu¬ 
teronomy  XV.  12-18  and  of  the  female  slave  Exodus 
I  xxi.  7-11  with  Deuteronomy  xv.  17,  we  find  that  Deu- 
teronomy  is  manifestly  a  reinterpretation  of  the  earlier 
^  law,  in  order  to  meet  more  advanced  industrial  and 
i  ethical  conditions. 

The  whole  case  then,  which  might  be  greatly  elabo¬ 
rated  is  that  Deuteronomy  is  the  crystallization  of  a 
long  process.  Custom  and  law,  some  of  which  may 
run  back  even  to  pre-Mosaic  times,  which  through 
long  centuries  had  been  interpreted  and  elaborated  un¬ 
der  the  divine  spirit  which  moved  in  men  who  are 
!  unnamed,  in  as  marked  a  way  as  in  those  whose  names 
we  revere,  were  reinterpreted  in  the  spirit  of  the  re- 
:  forming  prophets  of  the  eighth  century  long  enough 

before  621  b.c.  that  the  book  had  been  lost  sight  of 
completely.  The  last  influence  required  for  the  book 
was  in  701  b.c. 

While  we  cannot  be  dogmatic,  we  are  at  least  per¬ 
mitted  to  wonder  if  some  soul,  deeply  versed  in  the 
custom  and  history  of  his  people,  a  disciple  of  the  great 
prophets,  a  man  waiting  reverently  on  Yahweh,  while 
;  in  forced  retirement  under  the  bloody  Manasseh,  fused 

'  together  with  prophetic  insight  some  of  the  honored 

I  customs  of  his  fathers,  interpreted  them  in  the  light 

,  of  growing  needs,  wove  them  into  a  warp  of  precept 

that  was  essentially  prophetic  and  for  private  or  public 
i  use  inscribed  them  on  a  roll.  The  writer  of  this  book 

!  was  both  prophet  and  priest,  and  his  literary  work 

might  quite  naturally  be  kept  in  some  corner  of  one 


196  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  the  many  store  chambers  around  the  temple.  Did 
he  pass  away  peacefully  without  revealing  to  any  one 
the  secret  of  his  hidden  treasure,  or  was  he  a  passion¬ 
ate  propagandist  who  under  Manasseh  died  a  martyr 
to  his  faith?  We  know  not.  But  that  he  was  a  good 
man,  a  lover  of  ritual,  yet  with  undimmed  prophetic 
vision,  a  conserver  of  the  best  in  the  past,  yet  a  fear¬ 
less  reformer,  withal  a  man  of  God,  this  is  witnessed 
by  his  imperishable  message. 

Perhaps  no  book  ever  laid  hold  more  completely  on 
any  people  than  did  Deuteronomy  on  the  people  of 
Judah.  It  holds  a  remarkable  poise  between  ritual 
and  righteousness ;  in  fact,  it  institutionalized  the  mes¬ 
sage  of  prophecy.  It  magnified  the  one  people,  who 
must  worship  the  one  God,  in  one  sanctuary,  and 
whose  whole  lives  should  be  controlled  by  one  motive, 
love.  It  was  heartily  accepted  by  an  enthusiastic 
people  as  their  law  of  life,  and  they  speedily  became 
the  ^‘people  of  the  book.^^ 

f  Jeremiah  and  the  Reform — Jeremiah  was  living  dur¬ 
ing  these  stirring  days.  What  was  his  relation  to  this 
reform  movement?  This  is  a  live  issue.  Some  have 
held  that  he  was  too  intense  a  moralist  and  too  clear¬ 
sighted  spiritually  to  lend  his  assistance  to  a  move¬ 
ment  that  was  essentially  rituahstic  and  that  made  a 
book  rather  than  the  living  word  the  source  of  re¬ 
ligious  authority.  While  much  may  be  said  for  this 
side  of  the  case,  evidence  seems  to  point  the  other 
way.  Jeremiah’s  spiritual  discernment  had  a  history, 
and  shows  evident  development.  Further,  while  the 
reform  was  ritualistic,  it  likewise  cut  at  the  root  of 
social  immorality  and  flagrant  injustice.  The  absence 
of  his  name  from  the  group  mentioned  in  Kings  as 
important  in  the  organization  of  the  reform  is  not 
strange.  Jeremiah  was  an  individualist  from  the  be¬ 
ginning.  He  was  never  at  any  time  popular,  and  to 
have  connected  him  in  an  official  way  with  it  might 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  197 

not  have  added  to  its  kindly  reception.  What  he  did  he 
may  have  done  independently. 

The  book  of  Jeremiah  indicates  that  he  made  a 
preaching  tour  through  the  villages  of  Judah  declar¬ 
ing  ^The  words  of  the  covenant”  (xi.  1-13).  His  mes¬ 
sage  was  an  attack  on  idolatry,  multiplicity  of  gods, 
and  iniquity  in  general.  The  passage  is  Deuteronomic 
in  spirit  and  language,  but  there  seems  no  adequate 
reason  to  doubt  its  historicity.  His  attack  on  the  local 
conditions  and  the  local  shrines  was  naturally  unac¬ 
ceptable  to  the  people,  and  he  deemed  them  beyond 
repentance.  In  his  itinerary  he  came  to  his  home  vil¬ 
lage,  Anathoth  (xi.  18-23).  To  the  disinherited 
priests,  with  the  memory  of  lost  priestly  prestige  of 
three  hundred  years  earlier,  and  with  the  local  sanc¬ 
tuary  always  overshadowed  by  the  temple,  the  de¬ 
mand  for  the  centralization  of  all  worship  was  un¬ 
thinkable.  That  a  native  villager  should  advocate  it 
was  unbearable.  They  determined  to  get  rid  of  this 
disturber  of  the  peace,  but  he  anticipated  their  plot 
and  escaped. 

Then  we  find  this  conscientious  man  in  the  throes 
of  emotional  reaction  (xii.  1-5).  Reverently  he  ques¬ 
tions  the  divine  providence.  Why  are  people  who  are 
so  treacherous  and  so  false,  so  prosperous?  Here  we 
are  at  the  parting  of  the  ways  in  religious  history.  Or¬ 
thodoxy  said,  wickedness  brings  calamity,  goodness  in¬ 
sures  prosperity  (cf.  Dt.  xxviii.  1-24).  But  Jeremiah 
had  personal  experience  that  did  not  run  true  to  the 
theory.  Others,  as  Habakkuk  and  Job,  took  up  the 
theme  later  and  developed  it.  In  the  case  of  Jeremiah 
the  answer  is  not  academic  but  is  experimental.  The 
attention  is  turned  from  the  intellectual  question  to 
the  hard  facts  of  life,  and  the  summary  of  the  answer 
might  be  put,  ^‘Jeremiah,  there  is  worse  ahead,  brace 
up  and  face  life  as  it  is”  (xii.  5). 

Union  of  J.  E.  Documents — During  these  years,  prob- 


198  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


ably  in  the  early  part  of  the  period,  the  field  of  litera¬ 
ture  was  enriched  by  the  union  of  the  J.E.  narratives. 
With  the  fall  of  Ephraim  in  722  b.c.,  the  danger  arose 
of  losing  permanently  all  the  northern  literary  docu¬ 
ments.  That  many  have  perished  is  evident  from  the 
number  of  books  referred  to,  of  which  we  have  no 
other  record.  Some  of  the  Israelites,  notwithstanding 
the  ancient  feuds,  felt  their  kinship  with  Judah,  and 
maintained  some  religious  afiiliation.  Some  of  these 
people  moved  south  after  the  fall  of  their  own  king¬ 
dom.  Their  narrative  of  ancient  history  that  we  caU 
E.  was  likely  carried  to  the  south  shortly  after  722  b.c. 
There  it  was  joined  to  J.,  the  two  placed  side  by  side, 
and  woven  together  as  is  still  the  custom  of  certain 
Oriental  history  writers  (cf.  p.  48). 

Deuteronomic  Activity — After  621  b.c.  there  was  an 
unusual  literary  renaissance.  The  law  captured  the 
imagination  of  many  people.  If  only  a  nucleus  of  the 
book  was  used  for  the  reform,  it  is  quite  certain  it  was 
not  long  before  Deuteronomy  was  practically  in  its 
present  shape.  It  also  awakened  an  activity  that  con¬ 
tinued  throughout  most  of  the  next  half  century. 

Nahum — The  little  book  of  Nahum,  a  poetic  out¬ 
burst,  belongs  to  the  closing  years  of  Josiah.  The 
singer  in  two  poems  vindictively  gloats  over  the  de¬ 
struction  that  is  at  the  very  gate  of  Nineveh  (Nah. 
ii.  3-13  and  iii.  1-19).  These,  as  well  as  i.  11,  14;  ii. 
1,  are  poetic  and  passionate,  but  express  more  of  the 
spirit  we  usually  attribute  to  that  group  of  patriots, 
often  called  false  prophets,  who,  apart  from  moral  con¬ 
siderations,  were  always  ready  to  praise  their  own  and 
condemn  all  other  nations,  than  the  spirit  of  the  great 
prophets.  The  prophet,  of  whom  we  know  nothing 
but  the  name,  may  have  had  personal  experience  with 
the  brutal  Assyrians,  that  stirred  his  ire.  His  mes¬ 
sage  is  a  lasting  expression  of  the  judgment  that  a 
policy  of  ruthlessness  and  greed  always  merits  disaster. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH,  686-608  B.C.  199 

It  is  a  crude,  or  perhaps  a  very  human,  way  of  stating 
the  principle  that  unrighteousness  cannot  go  unpun¬ 
ished  in  a  world  that  is  righteously  governed. 

Nahum  i.  2-10  is  an  acrostic  poem,  which  has  a 
strongly  eschatological  flavor  to  it.  It  delights  in  the 
confidence  that  Yahweh,  a  jealous  God,  will  see  his 
vengeance  on  his  foes.  It,  as  well  as  i.  12,  13,  15,  ii.  2, 
comes  from  a  later  date  than  the  above-mentioned 
poems. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586,  b.c. 


The  Kings 


Jehoiakim 

Jehoiakin 

Zedekiah 


608 

597 

597-586 


II  Kings  xxiii.  30 — xxv.  30;  II  Chronicles  xxxvi. 

1-31;  Jeremiah  vii.-ix.,  xiii.-lii.;  Habakkuk; 

Ezekiel  i.-xxxix. 

A — The  Reigns  of  Jehoahaz  and  Jehoiakim 

On  the  death  of  Josiah,  the  ^^people  of  the  land’^ 
again  asserted  themselves,  and  crowned  Jehoahaz,  the 
second  son  of  Josiah,  king  (II  Kgs.  xxiii.  30).  It  was 
an  act  of  rebellion  against  Egjrpt  who  was  now  master 
of  Judah.  Necho,  who  after  the  defeat  of  Josiah  had 
gone  forth  to  Riblah,  sent  for  the  new  king,  put  him 
in  chains,  and  sent  him  a  prisoner  to  Egypt,  where  he 
remained  till  his  death  (II  Kgs.  xxiii.  30-34). 

He  then  appointed  Eliakim,  the  oldest  son  of  Josiah, 
as  his  local  representative  in  Judah,  and  in  honor  of 
Yahweh  changed  his  name  to  Jehoiakim,  that  is, 
“Yahweh  will  raise  up”  (II  Kgs.  xxiii.  34-35).  Je¬ 
hoiakim,  most  likely  had  been  pro-Egyptian  before  his 
appointment  to  the  throne,  and  now,  at  the  behest  of 
the  Pharaoh,  he  taxed  Judah  for  the  required  tribute. 
Though  the  royal  treasury  must  have  been  bankrupt, 
he  insisted  on  building  a  great  palace  and  living  in 


200 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  201 

splendor  at  the  public  expense,  and  so  brought  down 
the  wrath  of  the  prophets  (cf.  Jer.  xxii.  13-19). 

It  was  during  the  early  days  of  this  reign  that  Jere¬ 
miah  uttered  one  of  his  boldest  messages  (Jer.  vii. 
1 — viii.  22).  Thirteen  years  had  now  passed  since  the 
inception  of  the  great  reform,  and  some  of  the  ten¬ 
dencies  were  already  apparent.  Morally,  there  had 
been  no  lasting  improvement  on  the  part  of  the  nation. 
Religiously,  they  were  hopelessly  confident.  The 
prophet  perceived  that  the  reform  had  not  gone  deeply 
enough,  and  that  the  gravest  dangers  had  resulted. 
The  people  now  gloried  that  the  temple  of  Yahweh  was 
in  their  midst,  and  quoted  history  to  prove  its  invio¬ 
lability.  He  pointed  to  the  destruction  of  Shiloh,  and 
from  the  temple  steps  thundered  his  anathemas  against 
their  insensibility  to  moral  conditions  (Jer.  vii.  1-15; 
cf.  xxvi.  1-7).  They  pointed  to  their  lavish  sacrifice 
and  their  whole  burnt-offering,  and  concluded  that 
therefore  they  had  the  favor  of  Yahweh.  He  asserted 
that  the  commands  of  Yahweh  in  the  wilderness  were 
not  in  respect  to  burnt-offerings  and  sacrifices,  but 
were  for  a  worthy  manner  of  life  (Jer.  vii.  21-23). 
They  boasted  that  they  had  the  book  of  the  law  and 
hence  they  were  wise;  he  retorted  that  their  law  was 
the  work  of  false  scribes,  for  it  prevented  them  listen¬ 
ing  to  the  living  word  of  God  (Jer.  viii.  8-9).  Passion¬ 
ately  he  insisted  that  there  was  no  security  for  Judah, 
in  altars,  or  sacrifices,  or  law  book,  but  only,  “if  ye 
thoroughly  mend  your  ways  and  your  doings,  if  ye 
thoroughly  execute  justice  between  a  man  and  his 
neighbor,  if  ye  oppress  not  the  sojourner,  the  father¬ 
less,  and  the  widow,  and  shed  no  innocent  blood,  but 
walk  in  the  ways  that  I  command  you”  (Jer.  vii.  5,  6). 

Because  of  this  utterance  it  is  no  wonder  that  the 
prophets  and  the  priests  took  him  to  court  where  he 
was  tried  for  treason.  He  escaped  because  he  had 
powerful  friends  at  court,  and  they  were  able  to  appeal 


202  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


to  the  case  of  Micah  and  his  message  (Jer.  xxvi.  1-19). 
The  man  who  was  bold  enough  to  challenge  and  de¬ 
nounce  the  ceremonial  and  religious  customs  of  his 
generation,  was  indeed  an  ^dron  pillar  and  brazen  walls 
against  the  whole  land.’^ 

In  the  north,  the  great  kingdom  of  Assyria,  was 
engaged  in  its  death  struggle.  Exhausted  by  its  scores 
of  victories,  its  strength  depleted  by  the  splendor  of 
palaces,  libraries,  and  temples,  now  ruled  by  a  weak¬ 
ling,  its  capital  was  seized  by  the  Medes,  the  allies  of 
the  now  independent  Babylonians.  Nineveh  was  cap¬ 
tured  in  606  B.C.,  and  razed  to  the  ground.  If  Nahum 
was  living  at  this  time,  he  saw  his  heart’s  desire  accom¬ 
plished.  All  the  Assyrian  territory  to  the  west,  that 
is,  Mesopotamia  and  Syria,  went  as  spoil  to  Nabo- 
polassar,  king  of  Babylonia  (626-605  b.c.). 

Only  by  force,  however,  could  the  allegiance  and 
tribute  of  Syria  be  retained.  In  605  b.c.,  Nebuchadrez¬ 
zar  led  the  Babylonian  army  west,  and  at  Carchemish 
met  Necho  with  his  Egyptian  forces.  The  combat  was 
disastrous  for  Pharaoh  who  fled  precipitately  to  the 
home  land.  How  far  Nebuchadrezzar  followed  the 
retreating  host  is  uncertain,  perhaps  even  as  far  as 
the  border  of  Egypt  (Jer.  xlvi.  1-26).  His  victory, 
however,  was  complete,  and  all  Syria  acknowledged 
the  sway  of  this  new  world-power  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  7). 
In  604  B.C.,  on  the  death  of  his  royal  father,  the  young 
general  was  summoned  back  to  Babylonia,  and  entered 
on  his  long  reign  of  forty-two  years.  Thus  Jehoiakim 
of  Judah,  by  the  fortunes  of  war,  in  which  he  was 
perhaps  only  an  interested  onlooker,  became,  in  604 
B.C.,  a  vassal  to  Babylonia. 

The  New  Problem — Such  world  convulsions  must 
have  provided  food  for  reflection  to  all  serious-minded 
men.  Assyria,  the  ancient  tyrant  of  the  west,  had 
been  crushed  into  the  dust.  Necho’s  mighty  army  was 
so  cut  to  pieces  that  it  never  again  ventured  beyond 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  203 

its  own  border.  An  old  and  glorious  nation,  a  rebel 
for  a  century,  with  new  blood  in  its  veins  and  under 
new  leadership,  had  suddenly  risen  on  the  wreckage 
of  empire  and  attained  the  premier  place  in  world 
politics.  What  was  the  destiny,  what  the  purpose  of 
this  new  empire?  That  was  the  question  of  the  hour 
to  religious  thinkers.  Jeremiah  was  one  of  the  men 
who  pondered  the  question.  Where  did  Nebuchad¬ 
rezzar  belong  in  the  development  of  the  moral  order, 
what  was  his  function?  To  the  prophet  the  answer  be¬ 
came  apparent.  Yahweh  had  sent  his  prophets  rebuk¬ 
ing  the  injustice  and  the  dishonesty  of  the  leaders,  but 
they  had  not  mended  their  ways.  Severer  methods 
must  be  used.  Hence,  Nebuchadrezzar  was  called  to 
be  the  servant  of  Yahweh  to  punish  Judah  and  the 
surrounding  nations  for  their  sins  (Jer.  xxv.  1-11). 
Such  was  the  prophet’s  interpretation  of  contemporary 
movements. 

Another  virile  mind  became  engrossed  with  the 
great  moral  issues  of  the  hour.  Habakkuk,  called  the 
great  skeptic,  had  his  eyes  open  to  some  of  the  out¬ 
standing  facts.  He  had  known  of,  perhaps  had  taken 
a  part  in,  the  reform  of  621  b.c.  By  605  b.c.,  when  he 
first  writes,  the  results  were  patent.  Strife  and  conten¬ 
tion  were  everywhere,  justice  was  a  failure,  the  law  was 
a  dead  letter,  and  wickedness  triumphed  over  right¬ 
eousness.  In  the  face  of  these  facts,  where  was  the 
proof  of  the  moral  order,  is  his  question.  Why  does 
Yahweh  permit  this  flagrant  injustice  (i.  2-4)? 

The  answer  loomed  up  on  the  northern  horizon. 
That  ancient  nation,  the  Chaldean,  (Babylonian)  was 
already  on  the  move;  swifter  than  leopards,  fiercer 
than  the  wolf  pack,  they  were  the  messengers  of  terror 
and  destruction.  Yet  Yahweh  through  them  would 
accomplish  a  marvelous  work,  which  must  be  the  pun¬ 
ishment  of  the  guilty  (i.  5-11). 

Later,  perhaps  years  after,  when  the  prophet  has 


204  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


had  the  opportunity  of  knowing  from  personal  con¬ 
tact  the  work  of  the  Babylonian  army,  and  has  been 
able  to  contrast  them  with  the  people  of  Judah,  an¬ 
other,  an  even  more  serious,  question  was  raised.  Why 
is  it  that  Yahweh  uses  a  worse  people  to  punish  a 
better,  was  the  second  plaint.  ^^0  Yahweh,  thou  hast 
ordained  him  for  judgment,  and  thou,  O  Rock,  hast 
established  him  for  correction.  .  .  .  Wherefore  look- 
est  thou  on  them  that  deal  treacherously,  and  boldest 
thy  peace  when  the  wicked  swalloweth  up  the  man 
that  is  more  righteous  than  he  .  .  (i.  12-17). 

Habakkuk  pondered  this  question,  patiently  went 
on  with  his  immediate  duty  ^^on  his  watch  tower,’^  and 
in  due  time  came  the  answer.  ^^His  soul  is  puffed  up, 
it  is  not  upright  in  him,  but  the  just  shall  live  in  his 
faithfulness’’  (ii.  1-4).  Interpreted,  it  means:  the 
arrogancy  of  the  Babylonian  is  fatal,  the  faithfulness 
of  Judah  is  its  own  reward.  Character  carries  in  itself 
blessing  or  cursing.  This  prophet,  of  whom  we  have 
no  history,  living  in  the  midst  of  national  calamities, 
separated  the  shadow  from  the  substance  and  gripped 
realities.  Character  as  its  own  reward,  or  the  reign 
of  law  in  the  moral  realm  is  one  of  the  most  vital 
conceptions  of  religion.  It  was  a  far  reach  from  the 
temporal  prosperity  of  Deuteronomy  as  the  sign  of 
goodness  to  the  faith  of  this  man  that  goodness  in 
itself  was  a  blessing.  The  remaining  part  of  chapter 
ii.  is  occupied  with  illustrations  showing  how  sin  re¬ 
turns  boomerang-like  on  the  head  of  the  sinning 
nation.  The  third  chapter,  which  is  a  poem,  closes 
with  the  same  idea.  Though  temporal  prosperity,  in 
all  its  accustomed  forms,  which  was  the  recognized 
evidence  of  being  in  favor  with  God,  should  fail, 
will  I  joy  in  the  God  of  my  salvation”  (iii.  17-19). 

In  604  B.c.  Jeremiah  was  constrained  to  put  his  previ¬ 
ous  messages,  reaching  over  twenty-two  years,  into 
literary  form  (Jer.  xxxvi.  1-32).  Baruch  wrote  at  his 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  205 

dictation,  and  then  read  the  completed  roll  on  a  fast 
day  in  December  at  the  entry  into  the  temple  before 
the  assembled  worshipers.  Later  it  was  read  before  the 
princes,  and  they  brought  it  to  the  king,  before  whom 
it  was  again  read.  This  son  of  Josiah  showed  his 
complete  disregard  for  the  message  by  cutting  up  and 
burning  the  parchment.  His  moral  and  religious  atti¬ 
tude  are  both  revealed  by  this  act,  and  we  do  not 
wonder  that  Jeremiah’s  words  concerning  him  were 
scathing.  The  prophet  then  rewrote  his  message  and 
^‘added  beside  them  many  like  words.”  Most  of  this 
edition  of  Jeremiah  is  to  be  found  in  Jeremiah  i.-xii. 

Jehoiakim  Rebels— -In  601  b.c.,  after  three  years’ 
vassalage  to  Babylonia,  Jehoiakim,  influenced  by  the 
general  world  restlessness  that  followed  the  crash  of 
Assyria,  as  well  as  by  the  intrigues  of  Egypt  to  which 
he  was  partial  to  the  last,  withheld  tribute  from  his 
overlord.  Raiding  bands  of  Babylonians,  Syrians, 
Moabites,  and  Ammonites,  all  allies  of  Babylonia,  were 
sent  to  reduce  him  to  submission  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  2) .  But 
he  was  obstinate,  and  was  supported  by  many  of  his 
leaders.  Jeremiah  met  this  shallow  confidence  with 
his  usual  vigor  (Jer.  xviii.  1 — xx.  18).  But  little  heed 
was  given  to  him.  The  leaders  were  involved  in  the 
petty  revolt  of  the  nations.  The  die  was  cast,  there 
was  no  repentance  and  no  submission.  In  598  b.c. 
Nebuchadrezzar  marched  his  troops  against  the  city, 
but  before  the  city  was  invested  Jehoiakim  passed 
from  the  scene  and  left  the  inheritance  of  his  political 
sins  to  his  son,  Jehoiakin  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  6-17). 

The  manner  of  the  death  of  the  king  has  been  the 
subject  of  difference  of  opinion.  The  book  of  Kings 
tells  us  he  died  a  natural  death  and  was  buried  in  the 
royal  cemetery  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  6).  Jeremiah,  in  a 
moment  of  indignation,  predicted  that  he  should  be 
‘‘drawn  and  cast  forth  outside  the  city”  on  the  refuse 
heap,  like  any  common  carcass  (Jer.  xxii.  19).  This 


206  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


was  what  ought  to  happen  in  a  moral  universe  to  a 
man  of  such  a  character.  The  chronicler  tells  us 
that  he  was  bound  in  fetters  by  Nebuchadrezzar  to 
carry  him  to  Babylon  (II  Chr.  xxxvi.  6).  This  is, 
no  doubt,  a  tradition  that  was  common  in  his  day. 
The  writer  of  the  Kings  most  likely  gives  us  the  his¬ 
torical  fact. 

B — The  Reigns  of  Jehoiakin  and  Zedekiah 

Jehoiakin  faced  the  siege  for  three  months  and 
then  capitulated  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  8-17).  The  temple 
and  the  palaces  were  stripped  of  all  their  treasure. 
Ten  thousand  of  the  flower  of  the  land,  princes  and 
officers,  craftsmen  and  smiths,  heads  of  families,  were 
deported  and  settled  in  waste  territory  of  Babylonia. 
The  young  king,  his  mother,  and  servants  were  among 
the  captives.  He  was  imprisoned,  to  be  released  and 
treated  as  a  royal  captive  after  thirty-seven  years’ 
conflnement  in  Babylonian  dungeons  (II  Kgs.  xxv. 
27-30).  Jeremiah  broke  out  in  two  elegies,  one  on  the 
fallen  nation,  the  other  on  the  king  and  the  queen 
mother,  who  were  involved  in  the  national  guilt  (Jer. 
xiii.  15-27;  xxii.  24-30).  Ezekiel  also  in  his  own  figu¬ 
rative  way  describes  the  tragic  fate  of  the  young  prince 
(Ezk.  xix.  3-9). 

Zedekiah  (597-586  b.c.),  a  son  of  Josiah,  was  now 
given  charge  of  Judah,  as  a  Babylonian  state,  under 
Nebuchadrezzar  (II  Kgs.  xxiv.  17-20;  Jer.  xxii.-xxiv., 
xxvii.-xxix.).  It  was  a  gratuitous  task.  The  province 
was  small  and  stripped  to  the  bone.  The  best  element, 
industrially  and  religiously,  had  been  transplanted  to 
Babylonia.  The  less  conspicuous  princes  and  artisans, 
the  poor  and  the  oppressed,  who  were  left  behind,  had 
now  attained  unaccustomed  responsibility.  The 
tribute  to  Babylon  was  a  considerable  item.  Only 
one  policy  could  save  Judah.  But  in  this  extremity. 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  207 

the  only  man  sane  enough  to  see  it  and  strong  enough 
to  announce  it  was  a  prophet  who  was  held  in  bad 
repute. 

Jeremiah  had  the  vision.  He  held  a  private  inter¬ 
view  with  the  new  king  in  the  name  of  Yahweh,  and 
placed  before  him  the  alternatives,  social  reform  or 
national  ruin  (Jer.  xxii.  1-9).  He  sent  a  letter  to  the 
exiles  assuring  them  that  it  was  the  will  of  God  that 
they  should  remain  there  for  over  a  generation  (Jer. 
xxix.  1-32).  Hence,  they  should  build  houses,  marry 
and  rear  children,  seek  the  welfare  of  the  land,  and 
pray  for  its  prosperity. 

But  he  stood  almost  alone.  Self-seekers  to  whom 
office  was  new,  inferior  minds  that  could  not  grasp 
world-politics,  blind  patriots  who  could  not  see  be¬ 
yond  the  present  moment,  and  worst  of  all,  insolent 
prophets,  who  had  not  yet  learned  the  moral  nature 
of  Yahweh,  but  thought  of  him  as  a  tribal  deity, 
such  were  the  leaders  of  the  people.  And  the  people, 
the  poor  and  the  oppressed,  for  whose  rights  the 
prophets  had  fought,  did  not  they  think  the  long 
promised  ruin  had  at  last  fallen  on  their  tyrants,  and 
could  they  not  with  a  degree  of  logic  conclude  that 
they  themselves  were  the  remnant  and  had  now  en¬ 
tered  into  their  inheritance?  Thus  boasting  them¬ 
selves  in  their  deliverance,  they  became  more  in¬ 
iquitous  than  their  old  oppressors.  Rotten  figs  was 
the  prophet’s  contemptuous  characterization  of  them 
(Jer.  xxiv.  1-10). 

In  593  B.C.  ambassadors  from  all  the  neighboring  na¬ 
tions  gathered  in  Jerusalem,  and  decided  to  revolt  from 
Babylonia  and  form  alliances  with  Egypt  (Jer.  xxvii. 
2-6).  Jeremiah  was  impressed  by  the  seriousness  of 
the  contemplated  action.  He  registered  his  conviction 
and  sent  it  to  the  individual  kings  by  their  messengers, 
who  had  come  to  Jerusalem  to  the  conference,  that 
Babylonia  was  the  servant  of  Yahweh  to  punish  the 


208  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


nations  for  their  sins,  that  loyalty  to  his  yoke  was 
the  only  safety,  and  that  the  Babylonian  lordship 
would  extend  beyond  the  present  generation  (Jer. 
xxvii.-xxix.  15).  A  local  prophet  named  Hananiah 
challenged  his  viewpoint,  and  Jerusalem  was  treated 
to  a  wordy  war  between  prophets,  in  which  Jeremiah 
seems  to  have  had  rather  the  better  of  the  argument. 
It  was  perhaps  about  this  time  that  Jeremiah  de¬ 
livered  himself,  with  breaking  heart,  it  is  true,  but 
nevertheless  in  terms  that  no  one  could  misunder¬ 
stand,  on  the  corrupt  practices  of  the  prophets  (Jer. 
xxiii.  9-40). 

It  was  also  at  this  time  and  as  the  result  of  the 
conspiracy  that  Zedekiah  was  called  to  Babylon,  where 
it  is  most  likely  he  had  to  renew  his  covenant  with 
Nebuchadrezzar  (Jer.  li.  59-64;  Ezk.  xvii.  12-15). 
The  letter  that  Jeremiah  sent  on  that  occasion  at  the 
hand  of  Seraiah,  one  of  the  officers  of  the  expedition, 
its  attitude  towards  Babylon,  and  his  injunctions  about 
its  disposal  reveals  the  interest  of  the  prophet  in  the 
group  of  exiles  (Jer.  li.  59-64). 

The  following  year  (592  b.c.)  a  young  captive,  living 
at  Kebar,  a  few  miles  southeast  of  the  city  of  Babylon, 
was  moved  by  the  divine  spirit  to  utter  himself 
through  strange  symbols.  For  a  number  of  years,  in 
various  ways,  he  symbolized  the  coming  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  the  hunger  and  thirst,  the  pestilence  and 
terror  in  the  city  (Ezk.  iv.  1 — v.  17;  vi.  1-14).  Judg¬ 
ment  was  decreed  because  of  the  moral  depravity  and 
the  ritual  abominations  of  her  people.  In  591  b.c.  he 
again  declared  the  guilt  of  Jerusalem  and  her  coming 
punishment,  and  in  the  form  of  a  vision  he  showed 
some  of  the  secret  ritualistic  practices  of  the  priesthood 
(viii.  1 — xi.  12).  As  he  was  a  priest  we  cannot  doubt 
but  that  here,  he  was  presenting  facts  with  which 
he  himself  was  familiar.  They  make  our  blood  run 
cold.  Canaanitish,  Egyptian,  and  Babylonian  idolatry 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  209 

were  practiced.  Forms  of  reptiles  and  various  abomi¬ 
nable  beasts  were  portrayed  all  around  on  the  walls. 
Totemism  and  nature  worship  were  intermingled  with 
sun  worship.  The  rites  were  licentious.  Elders  and 
priests  were  the  leaders.  The  morals  of  the  people 
were  sadly  corrupted  by  the  worship,  and  Yahweh  had 
taken  his  departure  from  the  temple.  We  cannot 
wonder  that  Ezekiel,  a  priest,  considered  the  abomi¬ 
nable  pagan  ritual  that  appealed  to  superstition  and 
passion  as  the  essential  cause  of  the  coming  overthrow 
(ix.  1;  xi.  12). 

Jeremiah  by  his  insistent  opposition  to  the  Egyp¬ 
tian  alliance  perhaps  helped  to  stem  the  tide  of  re¬ 
volt  until  588  b.c.,  when  Hophra  came  to  the  throne  of 
Egypt.  The  new  king  was  ambitious,  and  stirred  up 
the  pro-Egyptian  party  in  Jerusalem  by  promises  of 
assistance  in  their  struggle  for  independence.  Judah, 
thus  encouraged,  again  rebelled,  and  swiftly  the  blow 
fell.  Nebuchadrezzar  sent  his  army,  in  which  were 
troops  from  Moab,  Ammon,  and  Edom,  and  closely 
sieged  the  city.  After  eleven  months  the  people,  in 
great  straits,  sought  in  some  way  to  appease  the  wrath 
of  God.  They  put  an  old  law,  which  had  apparently 
been  a  dead  letter,  into  operation,  made  it  a  sabbatical 
year,  and  released  all  the  slaves  (Jer.  xxxiv.  8-10;  cf. 
Dt.  XV.  12-15).  Shortly  after  this,  Hophra  having 
mustered  his  promised  army  in  Egypt,  the  Babylonian 
army  raised  the  siege  and  marched  to  the  south  to  meet 
the  new  enemy  (Jer.  xxxvii.  5).  Jerusalem  was  greatly 
relieved  and,  no  doubt,  believed  that  Yahweh  had  in¬ 
terfered  because  of  their  good  works.  But  religion 
that  is  the  result  of  necessity  is  sometimes  short-lived. 
The  slaves  seemed  an  economic  necessity,  and  as  soon 
as  the  danger  seemed  past  they  were  pressed  back 
into  their  old  service  (Jer.  xxxiv.  11-16).  Jeremiah 
was  indignant,  and  predicted  immediate  ruin  (Jer. 
xxxiv.  1-5,  17-22;  xxxvii.  1-10).  The  Egyptian  army 


210  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


was  put  to  flight,  and  again  the  Babylonian  encamped 
before  the  rebellious  city.  After  a  few  months  of 
siege,  in  which  the  suffering  was  extreme  (cf.  Lam. 
ii.  iv.),  the  city  walls  were  breached,  the  king  was 
captured  in  an  effort  to  escape,  the  city  was  looted,  and 
the  temple  and  palaces  were  burnt  to  the  ground  (II 
Kgs.  XXV.  1-12). 

The  king  and  his  chief  advisors  were  carried  to  the 
army  headquarters  at  Riblah  where  the  advisors  were 
slain,  the  king’s  sons  were  mercilessly  put  to  death 
before  the  face  of  the  father,  then  his  eyes  were  gouged 
out,  and  he,  a  warning  to  all  rebels,  was  carried  to 
Babylon  (II  Kgs.  xxv.  6,  7,  18-21).  The  residue  of 
the  city  people  were  carried  away,  and  only  the  poorest 
of  the  land  were  left  as  vine  dressers  and  husbandmen. 
Thus  with  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  August  586  b.c.,  the 
date  of  the  second  captivity,  passed  away  the  little 
kingdom  of  Judah  and  the  house  of  David  as  a  ruling 
dynasty. 

Jeremiah  had  understood  the  trend  of  events,  and 
the  blind,  who  had  refused  his  leadership,  had  indeed 
fallen  into  the  ditch.  From  604  b.c.  on,  he  had  stood  by 
his  convictions,  that  Nebuchadrezzar  was  the  servant 
of  Yahweh,  and  that  submission  was  the  only  way  to 
national  safety.  To  the  king  and  the  people,  this  was 
the  way  of  life  (Jer.  xxi.  1-14;  xxxiv.  1-7).  Such 
council  was,  no  doubt,  a  source  of  worry  to  the  de¬ 
fenders  of  the  city,  and  the  prophet  was  looked  on  as 
a  traitor.  His  denunciation  of  the  treachery  of  those 
leaders,  who  pressed  back  their  slaves  into  servitude, 
won  for  him  the  enmity  of  those  with  whose  economic 
interests  he  had  interfered.  So  when  at  this  time  he 
attempted  to  go  to  Anathoth  to  complete  a  deal  for 
some  ancestral  lands,  he  was  accused  of  being  a  de¬ 
serter,  taken  prisoner,  and  cast  into  prison  (Jer.  xxxvii. 
1-21).  Thence  he  was  flung  into  a  fllthy  pit  from 
which  he  was  rescued  by  a  colored  slave  (Jer.  xxxviii. 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  211 

7-13).  Visited  a  number  of  times  by  the  king,  and 
also  by  the  princes,  he  always  insisted  that  capitula¬ 
tion  was  the  only  door  of  hope,  but  to  no  avail  (Jer. 
xxxviii.  14-28). 

When  the  city  fell,  the  old  man  who  had  seen  the 
end  so  clearly  and  had  suffered  so  continuously  be¬ 
cause  he  would  not  withhold  his  voice,  was  treated 
with  rare  confidence  by  the  conquering  army  (Jer. 
xxxix.  11-14;  xl.  1-4).  He  in  turn,  having  the  privi¬ 
lege  of  going  to  Babylon  as  an  honored  captive,  or 
remaining  in  the  broken  city,  chose  the  harder  way, 
and  cast  in  his  lot  with  those  with  whom,  and  for 
whom,  he  had  suffered,  and  continued  to  the  end  the 
life  of  service  and  sacrifice. 

Only  one  event  in  national  history  at  this  juncture 
remains  to  be  mentioned.  Gedaliah  was  put  in  charge 
of  the  desolated  province,  and,  owing  to  the  wreckage 
of  Jerusalem,  had  to  remove  headquarters  to  Mizpah 
(II  Kgs.  XXV.  22-26;  Jer.  xl.  7 — xliii.  13).  Two  months 
after  the  beginning  of  his  regime  he,  along  with  cer¬ 
tain  of  the  Babylonian  soldiers  who  were  left  with 
him,  was  slain  by  Ishmael,  a  prince  of  royal  blood, 
who  was  supported  in  his  insurrection  by  Baalis,  king 
of  Ammon.  A  few  of  the  remaining  nobles,  fearing 
the  Babylonian  vengeance,  hastily  fled  to  Taphanes  in 
Egypt,  bearing  with  them  Jeremiah,  though  against 
his  council.  Report  tells  us  he  continued  his  preach¬ 
ing  here,  and  was  finally  martyred  by  a  people  who 
could  no  longer  tolerate  his  rebukes.  A  third  deporta¬ 
tion,  a  small  one,  was  made  in  581  b.c.,  perhaps  as  the 
result  of  IshmaeFs  folly. 

C — Reconstruction  of  the  Hope  of  Israel 

The  necessity  of  the  complete  destruction  of  Jerusa¬ 
lem  was  realized  very  early  by  some  of  the  prophets. 
Jeremiah  had  long  understood  that  the  day  of  grace 


212  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


had  been  sinned  away,  and  hence  the  intercession  of 
no  group  of  saints  would  save  the  city  (Jer.  xv.  1-4). 
Ezekiel  from  a  far  land  in  591  b.c.,  viewing  the  horrible 
temple  ritual,  also  knew  that  the  end  had  come  (Ezk. 
viii.  1-18).  But  when  these  prophets,  lovers  of  Yah- 
weh  and  lovers  of  their  people,  viewed  the  devastated 
land,  the  city  breached  and  wrecked,  temple  and 
palaces  burned,  and  the  people  torn  from  their  homes, 
hiding  in  the  rocks  and  the  fastnesses  of  Judah  or 
over  in  Moab  and  Gilead,  or  fleeing  to  Egypt  for  a 
precarious  protection,  or  dragged  away  at  the  chariot 
wheels  of  the  captor  to  Babylonia,  all  as  sheep  with¬ 
out  a  shepherd,  then  a  new  and  serious  problem  had 
to  be  faced.  Would  the  religion  of  Yahweh  be  per¬ 
petuated?  Would  Israel  survive  as  a  people?  Where 
was  there  any  hope,  any  comfort  for  these  distraught, 
repentant  people? 

In  part  these  leaders  had  history  on  which  to  build. 
There  was  the  ancient  covenant  between  Yahweh  and 
Israel.  Hosea  had  proclaimed  punishment,  but  also 
a  wooing  love  that  would  follow  a  disloyal  people  to 
the  end,  would  heal  their  backslidings,  and  would  love 
them  freely  (Hos.  xiv.  1-8).  Isaiah  from  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  his  ministry  had,  in  the  person  of  his  son,  de¬ 
clared,  ‘^a  remnant  shall  return.’^  In  the  hour  of  most 
apparent  disaster  his  faith  in  the  ultimate  outcome 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  seemed  to  never  waver.  In 
similar  difficulties  Habakkuk  had  struck  deeper  than 
any  of  the  others  when  he  proclaimed  a  kingdom  of 
character.  Ezekiel  in  his  blackest  hour,  when  he  knew 
all  must  perish,  cried  out  in  agony,  “0,  Yahweh,  wilt 
thou  make  an  end  of  the  remnant  of  Israel’^  (Ezk.  xi. 
13).  Then  was  sounded  a  note,  the  beginning  of  a 
chorus,  which  in  increasing  volume  through  the  dec¬ 
ades  proclaimed  to  the  distressed  and  sorrowing  the 
certainty  of  return  to  the  home  land  and  the  favor 
of  their  God. 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  213 

Ezekiel’s  first  definite  note  follows  hard  on  his  cry 
of  consternation.  It  is,  ‘‘1  will  gather  them  from  the 
peoples  and  assemble  them  from  the  countries  where 
they  have  been  scattered,  and  I  will  give  them  the 
land  of  Israel  .  .  .  and  I  will  give  them  another  heart, 
and  I  will  put  a  new  spirit  into  them  .  .  (Ezk.  xi. 
13-21). 

In  the  following  year  there  is  again  the  assurance 
that  Yahweh  will  bring  them  out  of  the  countries 
where  they  have  been  scattered,  and  will  bring  them 
to  his  ‘‘holy  mountain”  “for  my  name’s  sake”  (Ezk.' 
XX.  39-44). 

Jeremiah  was  in  the  very  midst  of  the  national 
wreckage.  But  his  faith  in  God  forbade  him  accept¬ 
ing  the  desolation  as  final.  He  was  convinced  that 
the  land  would  again  be  inhabited,  and  when  his  uncle 
in  Anathoth  grew  panicky,  owing  to  the  rapid  deprecia¬ 
tion  of  land  values,  he  availed  himself  of  his  privilege 
as  kinsman,  purchased  the  estate  for  about  $175.00, 
and  buried  the  signed  and  sealed  deed  in  a  corner  of 
the  lot  as  an  evidence  of  his  optimism  (Jer.  xxxii. 
6-15).  He  was  confident  the  Babylonian  regime 
would  end  in  a  couple  of  generations,  and  that  Judah 
would  return,  and  that  houses  and  fields  and  vineyards 
would  yet  be  bought  and  cultivated. 

Important  as  the  hope  of  the  national  return  was, 
the  prophets  were  even  more  deeply  interested  in  a 
more  vital  problem,  viz.,  the  first  principle  of  true 
religion.  With  the  collapse  of  the  city,  the  nation 
could  no  longer  be  treated  as  a  unit  as  previously  had 
been  done.  Now  all  were  individuals  scattered 
abroad,  each  moving  for  himself.  It  is  true  they 
blamed  the  fathers  for  their  plight,  and  quoted  the  old 
adage,  “The  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes,  and  the 
children’s  teeth  have  been  set  on  edge”  (Jer.  xxxi.  29; 
Ezk.  xviii.  2),  but  the  prophets  had  arrived  at  the 
conception  of  individual  responsibility.  Jeremiah  is 


214  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


very  concise  in  his  statement,  ‘^every  one  shall  die  for 
his  own  iniquity’’  (Jer.  xxxi.  30).  Ezekiel,  his  con¬ 
temporary,  influenced  by  the  same  disaster,  went  much 
further  in  his  expression  of  individualism.  With  some 
of  the  gifts  of  a  theologian,  he  pushed  his  convictions 
to  their  logical  conclusion.  Perhaps  not  earlier  than 
586  B.c.  did  he  formulate  what  is  known  as  the  dogma 
of  individualism  (Ezk.  xviii.  1-32;  xxxiii.  1-20).  Sur¬ 
rounded  by  those  who  thought  only  in  terms  of 
national  life  or  solidarity,  he  exaggerated  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  the  individual  in  order  to  drive  home  his 
point.  He  compassed  all  the’ cases  at  issue.  If  a  man 
be  just  ...  he  shall  surely  live.  If  this  just  man  has 
a  son  who  does  wickedness,  his  father’s  righteousness 
is  of  no  avail,  his  blood  shall  be  on  his  own  head.  If 
this  wicked  son  has  a  son  who  is  just  .  .  .  his  father’s 
sin  shall  not  be  visited  on  him  ...  he  shall  live.  Then 
the  prophet  goes  further.  If  the  wicked  man  repent, 
he  shall  live.  If  the  just  man  sin,  he  shall  die.  Not 
only  is  a  man  not  blessed  or  cursed  because  of  his 
ancestry,  but  a  man  will  not  be  punished  or  rewarded 
because  of  his  yesterdays.  This  was  an  appeal  to  an 
audience  whose  whole  thinking  had  prejudiced  them 
against  the  idea  of  individual  responsibility.  It  dis¬ 
regarded  the  law  of  heredity  and  the  unity  of  life, 
but  the  new  truth  was  made  to  stand  out  in  bold  relief 
so  that  it  could  be  understood  and  appreciated. 

If  individualism  was  made  clear  to  these  two  great 
leaders  through  the  national  catastrophe,  the  corol¬ 
lary,  that  religion  is  an  inner,  personal  experience,  also 
came  to  expression.  No  man  was  better  equipped 
than  Jeremiah  to  blaze  the  trail  with  this  epoch  mak¬ 
ing  conception.  He  was  the  most  spiritual  of  the 
prophets.  He  had  had  a  personal  religious  experience 
of  a  most  vital  type  (cf.  Jer.  i.  9;  compare  with  Isa. 
vi.  6,  7).  In  early  days  he  contended  that  circum¬ 
cision  should  be  of  the  heart  (Jer.  iv.  4).  Later  he 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  215 

learned  that  ritual  reform,  pledged  in  a  great  public 
convention  with  high  enthusiasm,  and  carried  out 
with  gratifying  thoroughness  by  interested  officials, 
healed  the  wound  of  the  people  too  lightly.  He,  who 
in  the  beginning  had  pled  with  the  nation  to  return, 
and  to  ^^ask  for  the  old  paths,  where  is  the  good  way; 
and  walk  therein  and  ye  shall  find  rest  for  your  souls” 
(Jer.  vi.  16),  was  taught  by  the  hard  facts  of  ex¬ 
perience  that  national  covenants  would  never  save  a 
nation.  Yet  his  confidence  in  Yahweh  and  the  future 
never  wavered.  What  then  does  Yahweh  demand, 
and  how  may  his  favor  be  attained,  this  was  his  life 
question.  An  answer  came  apparently  towards  the 
end  of  his  days. 

That  answer,  the  new  covenant,  was  the  crowning 
glory  of  the  messages  of  a  prophet  who,  perhaps 
more  than  any  predecessor,  experienced  the  fellowship 
of  which  he  sings. 

^‘Behold  the  days  come,  saith  Yahweh,  that  I  will 
make  a  new  covenant  with  the  house  of  Israel  and 
the  house  of  Judah  .  .  .  This  is  the  covenant  that 
I  will  make  ...  I  will  put  my  law  in  their  inward 
parts,  and  in  their  heart  will  I  write  it;  I  will  be  their 
God,  and  they  will  be  my  people  .  .  .  All  shall  know 
me”  (Jer.  xxxi.  31-34).  That  this  amazingly  vital 
ideal  was  frequently  interpreted  and  enlarged,  and 
that  some  of  those  interpretations  found  their  way 
into  our  present  text,  is  made  evident  by  a  comparison 
of  the  Hebrew  with  the  Septuagint  text.  But  we  can¬ 
not  doubt  that  Jeremiah  was  the  herald  of  this  ideal 
(cf.  Ezk.  xxxvi.  26-27). 

But  other  men  of  faith,  unknown  indeed  by  name, 
but  spokesmen  for  truth,  lived  and  diligently  wrought 
amid  the  din  and  uproar  of  the  falling  civilization. 
These  were  years  of  feverish  activity  for  the  Deuter- 
onomic  school.  If  the  book  of  the  law  consisted  only 
of  Deuteronomy  xii.-xix.,  xxviii.,  it  must  before  the 


216  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


end  of  this  period  have  been  enlarged  to  its  present 
size  (cf.  p.  198).  Deuteronomy  xix.  14 — -xxv.  is  a 
collection  of  miscellaneous  laws,  not  definitely  re¬ 
lated  to  the  law  of  central  sanctuary,  to  the  Cove¬ 
nant  Code,  or  to  one  another.  They  read  like  odds 
and  ends,  gathered  from  the  customs  of  the  people 
by  a  diligent  scribe.  Chapters  i.~xi.  contain  two  in¬ 
troductions.  The  first,  i.-iv.  40,  has  a  Mosaic 
discourse  in  the  language  of  D.,  based  on  material 
found  in  Exodus  and  Numbers.  The  second,  Deu¬ 
teronomy  v.-xi.,  which  indeed  may  have  been  part 
of  the  original  book,  has  exhortations  from  Moses, 
touching  the  unity  of  Yahweh,  which  is  thoroughly 
Deuteronomic. 

To  the  same  group  of  men,  or  to  a  man  of  the  same 
spirit,  we  owe  the  second  edition  of  our  present  book 
of  Kings.  The  five  sources  that  he  had  at  command 
and  his  method  of  work  have  already  been  explained 
(cf.  pp.  120-125).  His  philosophy  of  history  was,  that 
since  the  temple  sanctuary  was  the  only  legitimate 
place  of  worship,  hence  the  existence  of  the  high  places 
was  the  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  north,  and  was  the  chief 
sin  of  the  south.  The  kings  were  guilty  in  so  far  as 
they  had  not  taken  away  the  high  places.  The  narra¬ 
tives  that  most  conclusively  proved  this  thesis  were 
selected,  and  these  ideals  were  impressed  on  his  readers 
by  every  possible  illustration. 

Religious  poems  and  individual  proverbs  were  no 
doubt  called  forth  by  the  varied  experiences  of  the 
last  century.  The  deliverance  from  Sennacherib,  the 
prestige  gained  by  the  temple,  the  revolution  under 
Manasseh  with  the  severe  suffering  of  the  worshipers 
of  Yahweh,  the  reform  of  Josiah,  and  the  turbulence 
of  the  closing  decades  of  the  history  of  Judah,  each 
and  all,  awoke  the  religious  emotions  and  demanded 
manifold  expression.  As  previously  indicated,  how¬ 
ever,  it  would  not  be  the  task  of  wisdom  to  draw  the 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  JUDAH,  608-586  B.C.  217 

lines  absolutely  as  to  what  psalms  and  what  proverbs 
did  and  what  did  not  originate  in  this  period. 

Those  psalms  that  have  the  king  or  the  kingship  as 
the  central  theme,  or  speak  of  him  as  though  he  were 
existing,  were  most  likely  written  in  the  pre-exilic 
days.  Among  such  poems  are  Psalms  xviii.,  Ixi.,  Ixiii., 
Ixxii.,  xlvi.,  xlvii.,  xlviii.  and  xlv.  If  these  did  come 
from  the  time  before  the  fall  of  the  kingdom,  we  are 
able  to  see  in  each  one  of  them  evidences  of  reworking, 
in  order  to  suit  the  thoughts  and  ideals  of  later  genera¬ 
tions  of  worshipers. 

The  ‘Vise  men”  had  certainly  food  for  thought  in 
the  midst  of  the  crises  of  the  century.  The  maker  of 
proverbs  is  always  with  us.  Life,  grave  and  gay  alike, 
gives  him  the  opportunity,  if  he  be  so  minded,  to  wing 
his  salted  speech  or  stinging  phrase  down  to  posterity. 
Yet  it  is  a  futile  task  to  determine  the  origin  of  that 
which  because  it  is  common  sense  may  have  originated 
in  many  different  centers  at  many  different  times.  It 
is  to  this  period,  however,  that  we  must  go  for  the 
beginning  of  Hebrew  speculation  (cf.  Hab.  i.,  ii.  and 
Jer.  xii.  I).  Later  centuries  were  required  to  carry  it 
to  its  completion. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE, 

586-539  B.c. 

Ezekiel;  Leviticus  xvii.-xxvi.;  Lamentations; 

Isaiah  xiii.-xiv.,  xxi.,  xl.-lv.  ;  Jeremiah  i. 

2— LI.  58. 

A — Early  Years  of  the  Exile 

Three  groups  of  Israelites  interest  us  in  this  period. 
Those  who  were  left  in  Palestine  were  by  far  the  most 
numerous.  We  have  already  seen  the  condition  of 
these  people  during  the  twenty  years  preceding  the 
second  captivity,  when  all  was  riot  and  confusion. 
Those  who  were  deported  in  586  b.c.,  numbering  per¬ 
haps  as  many  or  more  than  the  first  captivity,  would 
again  naturally  be  from  the  best  of  the  people.  After 
the  murder  of  Gedaliah,  a  group  fied  to  the  kindly  land 
of  Pharaoh,  and  later,  in  581  b.c.,  a  further  deportation 
from  the  Palestinian  remnant  was  taken  to  Babylon 
(Jer.  lii.  30).  Desolation  surely  reigned  throughout 
the  land.  The  most  savage  words  of  the  prophets 
scarcely  did  justice  to  the  situation  (Ezk.  v.  5 — vi.  7; 
Jer.  xxiv.  8-10).  Jerusalem  was  uninhabitable.  The 
towns  were  deserted.  Before  the  continued  ravages  of 
war  people  had  fled  in  small  groups  to  the  most  in¬ 
accessible  fastnesses  of  the  hills  or  to  the  deserts  of 
the  south  and  east.  The  responsible  people,  those 
with  wealth  or  culture,  had  mostly  been  removed,  and 

218 


tubal 


'^l^nujlngisyliig 


'p-- 

■''s;'‘:'' 


.vvv 


y*  :  T^sf 

V'  wm 


lb'  - .  ■'  '■^ '^1 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C,  221 

nothing  but  the  dregs  of  society  were  left.  Judah 
suffered  more  than  Israel  ever  had.  Only  slowly  could 
her  scattered  groups  return  and  set  to  work  rebuild¬ 
ing  here  and  there  the  ruins  of  home  and  city. 

Immigrations — But  in  this  difficult  undertaking  they 
were  not  left  quietly  to  themselves.  Desert  peoples 
had  always  looked  longingly  towards  Judea  and 
Samaria.  Not  for  six  centuries  had  the  opportunity 
for  them  been  so  favorable  as  now.  The  Ammonite, 
the  Moabite,  and  the  Arabian  were  not  slow  to  make 
inroads  into  the  ^land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey.” 
The  spoils  of  war,  as  well  as  the  wasted  vineyards, 
must  have  appealed  to  them.  But  of  all  these  immi¬ 
grants  the  Edomite  was  the  most  insistent.  The 
Nabatseans  from  the  south  were  driving  them  out  of 
their  ancient  mountains,  and  thus  they  were  forced 
northward.  Gradually  they  encroached  on  the  terri¬ 
tory  of  Judah  until  in  the  fourth  century  they  held 
Hebron  and  all  the  south.  Here  indeed  was  a  medley, 
and  so  far  as  religion  or  culture  was  concerned,  little 
could  be  expected  from  it.  Ezekiel  reports  the  iniqui¬ 
ties  that  were  common  in  the  country  about  586  b.c. 
Idolatry  and  immorality  of  the  worst  types  prevailed 
among  those  religious  leaders  who  boasted  in  their 
newly  acquired  inheritance  (Ezk.  xxxiii.  23-29).  In 
the  course  of  the  subsequent  years  the  conditions  must 
have  grown  worse,  if  possible,  than  when  these  judg¬ 
ments  were  uttered  (cf.  Jer.  xxiv.  1-4).  The  desola¬ 
tion,  when  in  520  b.c.  Haggai  and  Zechariah  began 
their  work,  seems  to  have  been  complete. 

Conditions  in  Egypt — From  Palestine  we  turn  to 
Egypt,  where  perhaps  the  next  largest  group  of  Jews 
was  to  be  found.  From  the  time  of  Abraham  on,  the 
land  of  the  Nile  had  always  offered  to  the  dweller  in 
Palestine  a  haven  from  famine  and  from  foe.  During 
the  whole  history  of  Judah  there  seems  to  have  been 
a  pro-Egyptian  party  at  court.  Solomon  had  affilia- 


222  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


tions  with  Egypt.  Hosea  likened  Israel  to  a  silly  dove 
calling  to  Egypt,  and  Egyptian  intrigues  were  the 
chief  bane  of  Judah  during  the  days  of  Isaiah.  From 
the  death  of  Josiah  till  the  fall  of  the  city  there  was 
always  a  prominent  group  of  Egyptian  sympathizers. 
Because  of  proximity  and  possible  personal  advantage 
Israelites  must  have  frequently  crossed  the  borders, 
and  many  must  have  become  more  or  less  at  home 
in  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs. 

Two  such  groups  are  of  interest  to  us.  The  first 
is  that  which  carried  Jeremiah  with  them,  and  settled 
at  Taphanes,  Migdol,  Memphis,  and  Pathros  (Jer. 
xhv.  1-3).  Taphanes,  lying  on  the  caravan  route 
near  the  edge  of  the  desert,  had  been  recently  built 
and  was  an  important  business  center.  Excavations 
show  that  at  first  it  was  occupied  chiefly  by  foreigners. 
Memphis  was  the  capital  of  Lower  Egypt,  and  Pathros 
was  a  general  term  for  Upper  Egypt.  In  these  places 
the  Jews  were  surrounded  by  wealth,  and  as  they 
availed  themselves  of  the  commercial  opportunities 
of  the  country  many  of  them  became  prosperous.  But 
the  prophets  were  not  deluded  by  the  possible  pros¬ 
perity.  Both  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  were  convinced  that 
Egypt  would  fall  before  Nebuchadrezzar.  Ezekiel  in 
587  B.C.,  perhaps  for  the  encouragement  of  some  of 
the  Jews  in  Egypt,  predicted  that  the  land  from 
Migdol  would  be  so  completely  desolated  that  her 
cities  shall  lie  waste  for  forty  years,  and  though  later 
the  Egyptian  kingdom  shall  be  restored  it  wiU  be  con¬ 
fined  to  Upper  Egypt  (Ezk.  xxix.  1-16).  Lower 
Egypt,  according  to  the  latest  paragraph  of  the  book, 
570  B.C.,  was  to  be  the  reward  given  to  Nebuchadrezzar 
for  his  services  against  Tyre  (Ezk.  xxix.  17-21). 

Jeremiah,  indignant  that  against  his  advice  his  kins¬ 
folk  fled  to  Egypt  and  carried  him  with  them,  at  once 
by  symbol  and  speech  declared  the  certainty  of  the 
fall  of  the  empire  at  the  hand  of  Nebuchadrezzar  (Jer. 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  223 

xliii.  8-13).  Later,  apparently  at  an  assembly,  he  re¬ 
buked  his  people  for  burning  incense  to  the  queen  of 
heaven,  and  predicted  a  coming  ruin.  They,  influenced 
chiefly  by  the  women,  indignantly  refused  to  cease 
the  prevalent  worship,  and  appealed  to  history  in  sup¬ 
port  of  their  actions.  They  drew  attention  to  the 
fact  that  since  the  time  of  the  reform,  apparently  that 
of  621  B.C.,  when  they  had  left  off  burning  incense  to 
the  queen  of  heaven,  they  had  been  consumed  by  the 
sword  and  by  famine.  Jeremiah  retorted  that  they 
were  stubborn,  and  that  such  disaster  would  come  on 
them  that  few  would  return  to  Judah  (Jer.  xliv.  1-28). 

History  does  not  reveal  the  destiny  of  these  colonies. 
In  564  B.C.  Amasis  of  Egypt  withdrew  all  trading 
privileges  from  foreigners,  and  we  can  only  surmise 
that  these  Jewish  settlements  scattered,  some  back  to 
their  own  home  land,  others  perhaps  to  Upper  Egypt. 

Colony  in  Assuan — Greater  interest,  however,  is 
centered  in  a  second  colony,  of  which  until  quite 
recently  nothing  was  known.  With  the  discovery  of 
the  Assuan  papyri  in  1904,  it  was  found  that  on  the 
island  of  Elephantine  there  had  long  existed  a  con¬ 
siderable  Jewish  settlement.  One  letter  written  from 
Elephantine  in  November,  408  b.c.,  to  Baghoi,  a  Per¬ 
sian  officer  in  Judah,  contains  important  information. 
It  is  an  appeal  directed  to  the  Jerusalem  Jews  for 
assistance  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  Jewish  temple, 
which  had  recently  been  destroyed  by  a  mob  incited 
by  jealous  Egyptian  priests.  This  temple  had  been 
a  splendid  structure,  and  frankincense  and  cereal  and 
burnt  offerings  had  there  been  made  to  Yahu  (cf. 
Yahweh)  the  ‘‘God  of  Heaven.”  It  had  been  in  exist¬ 
ence  when  Cambyses  had  in  525  b.c.  conquered  Egypt, 
and  had  been  spared  when  he  laid  so  many  Egyptian 
temples  in  ruins.  How  much  earlier  than  this  it  had 
been  built,  we  do  not  know.  It  would  seem,  however, 
that  the  idea  of  a  central  sanctuary  as  the  only  legiti- 


224  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


mate  place  of  worship,  which  was  the  central  feature 
of  the  reform  of  621  b.c.,  was  not  deeply  rooted  in  the 
religious  consciousness  of  these  people.  They  may 
have  left  Judah  before  the  days  of  the  great  reform, 
and  there  is  every  reason  to  suspect  that  during  the 
bloody  reign  of  Manasseh  many  refugees  made  their 
way  to  the  hospitable  valley  of  the  Nile.  Such  would 
know  no  reason  why  in  a  foreign  land  they  should 
not  build  a  temple  for  the  worship  of  Yahu,  their 
God.  If  this  be  correct,  we  can  understand  how  from 
time  to  time  such  privileges  would  attract  their  kins¬ 
men,  so  that  ultimately  they  attained  some  degree  of 
international  importance.  Their  later  history,  like 
their  earlier,  is  unwritten. 

But  their  existence  throws  a  light  on  a  number  of 
facts.  The  Biblical  ^^Seveneh’’  is  quite  evidently  the 
Egyptian  s  w  n,  modern  Assuan  or  Syene,  which  many 
of  the  old  translators  understood  to  mean  China  (Ezk. 
xxix.  10;  XXX.  6).  More  important  still,  it  is  possible 
that  the  Jewish  name  for  deity,  which  our  translators 
rendered  incorrectly  by  Jehovah,  and  our  modern 
scholars  insist  on  pronouncing  Yahweh,  may  be  pre¬ 
served  most  accurately  in  these  fifth  century  b.c. 
documents.  They  are  further  evidence  of  the  wide 
extent  of  the  early  Jewish  dispersion.  But  this  group 
so  far  as  we  know  made  no  direct  contribution  to  the 
literature  or  the  rehgion  of  Judaism. 

Colony  in  Babylonia — The  scene  of  our  study  now 
shifts  to  the  Tigris-Euphrates  valley,  a  thousand  miles 
east  of  Palestine.  Here  lived  the  third  group  of  Jews, 
the  smallest  of  all,  but  unquestionably  the  most 
influential. 

Here  in  586  b.c.  was  the  first  military  world-power 
of  the  day,  yet  the  constructive  policy  of  its  king  was 
its  chief  glory.  Agriculture  was  developed  by  a  well- 
organized  system  of  irrigation,  and  throughout  the 
country  there  was  amazing  productivity.  Commerce 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  225 

was  encouraged  by  a  vast  system  of  water-ways  and 
by  a  peace  policy.  Important  defense  works  were 
erected  in  strategic  parts  of  the  country.  Building 
operations  surpassed  those  of  any  previous  era  in  their 
history.  More  than  forty  great  temples  were  put  in 
order  and  beautified  by  the  king.  But  the  city  of 
Babylon  was  the  apple  of  his  eye.  It  enjoyed  an  un¬ 
wonted  splendor.  Fortifications  made  it  apparently 
impregnable.  Herodotus  tells  us  that  the  eastern  wall 
was  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  feet  high,  and 
ninety  feet  wide  on  the  top.  Citadels  and  guard  cham¬ 
bers,  bronze  gates  and  impassable  moats,  provided  for 
the  safety  of  the  city.  Boulevards  adorned  with  the 
rarest  beauty  from  forest  and  plain,  palaces  glorious 
in  bronze  and  gold,  resplendent  with  costly  woods  and 
marbles  from  far  distant  mountains,  the  hanging  gar¬ 
dens  which  outshone  the  grandeur  of  the  Median 
mountains,  and  beyond  all,  the  great  temple  of 
Marduk,  on  which  the  devout  king  had  lavishly 
poured  the  treasure  of  his  kingdom,  made  it  not  only 
the  greatest  commercial  center  of  the  world,  but  the 
most  unique  and  beautiful  city  of  history. 

To  the  kingdom,  of  which  this  city  was  the  center, 
the  captives  of  the  two  deportations,  perhaps  some 
fifty  thousand  in  all,  were  carried  as  the  spoils  of  war. 
The  geographical  distance  from  their  old  home  was  per¬ 
haps  the  least  significant  change  of  all.  The  exiles 
could  not  fail  to  compare  Jerusalem,  the  city  of  David, 
with  the  city  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  or  the  rocky,  isolated 
waste  of  Judea  with  the  fertile  plains  watered  by  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates.  The  temple  of  Marduk, 
glorious  to  the  eye,  lavish  in  ritual,  cared  for  by  an 
innumerable  and  well-organized  priesthood,  rose  be¬ 
fore  their  weary  eyes  an  overwhelming  contrast  to  the 
revered  but  desolated  temple  in  the  homeland. 
Alongside  of  the  outward  culture  of  the  conqueror  the 
civilization  of  Palestine  was  very  rustic  indeed.  Such 


226  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


vivid  contrasts  must  have  deeply  impressed  the  minds 
of  the  bewildered  captives. 

These  Jews  were  scattered  in  various  parts  of  the 
state,  in  small  colonies,  where  they  were  engaged  in 
profitable  agricultural  and  commercial  pursuits  (Ezk. 
hi.  15,  23;  x.  22;  Jer.  xxix.  1-14).  They  had  the 
privilege  of  private  ownership  of  land  and  houses. 
They  seem  to  have  been  responsible  for  their  local 
government,  and  their  religious  life  was  a  matter  of 
their  own  concern.  This  new  world  impressed  itself 
on  them  all.  They  were  the  disciples  of  the  Deuter- 
onomic  reform,  and  hence  no  sacrifice  was  valid  out¬ 
side  of  Jerusalem.  Because  of  the  distance  from  the 
city  which  the  Lord  their  God  had  chosen,  some,  in¬ 
deed  most,  of  the  religious  rites  of  their  ancestors  they 
were  unable  to  observe.  Sacrifices  and  the  feasts 
were  impossible.  Hence,  the  observation  of  the  sab¬ 
bath,  circumcision,  fasting,  and  prayer,  such  functions 
as  they  could  observe  anywhere,  were  likely  to  receive 
stricter  attention  than  hitherto.  When  they  emerge 
from  the  exile  we  find  the  first  two,  sabbath  observ¬ 
ance  and  circumcision,  have  an  emphasis  previously 
unknown,  and  are  the  sine  qua  non  of  the  true  Jew 
(Neh.  xiii.  15-22;  cf.  Ezk.  xx.  12-21 ;  xxii.  26).  Unable 
to  gather  in  the  temple,  they  were  not  prevented  from 
meeting  in  small  groups  in  private  houses  for  religious 
encouragement  (Ezk.  viii.  1;  xiv.  1;  xx.  1).  The  be¬ 
ginnings  of  that  which  was  later  organized  under  the 
name  of  synagogue  may  be  found  here. 

The  active  influences  of  the  environment  could  not 
altogether  be  escaped.  Many  learned  the  business 
methods  of  their  masters,  and  in  the  lure  of  their  new 
found  prosperity  quite  forgot  the  claims  of  their  coun¬ 
try  and  their  religion.  Many  may  have  deemed  the 
religion  of  Marduk,  the  God  of  the  conquerors  more 
worth  while  than  that  of  Yahweh,  and  thus  losing 
their  religious  identity,  easily  became  absorbed  into 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  227 

the  Babylonian  civilization.  Some  may  have  lived 
out  their  days  in  the  midst  of  this  new  culture  with¬ 
out  in  any  way  adopting  the  customs  or  reflecting  the 
religious  ideals  of  their  neighbors.  But  there  were 
still  others,  and  this  is  always  an  important  ^oup, 
who  refused  either  to  close  their  eyes  to  the  virtues 
in  the  new  environment,  or  to  be  overwhelmed  by 
advantages  that  were  only  material. 

Ezekiel — Ezekiel’s  is  the  one  name  of  this  last  group, 
of  whose  work  and  ideal  we  are  most  certain.  He 
was  a  young  priest,  in  good  circumstances,  who  in 
597  B.C.  was  carried  away  and  settled  by  the  canal 
Khebar  (cf.  p.  206).  For  five  years  he  was  silent, 
but  we  are  sure  he  was  not  indolent.  Was  he  drink¬ 
ing  in  the  wonders  of  the  new  culture?  Did  he  make 
occasional  visits  to  Babylon,  the  near-by  city,  that 
he  might  view  the  boulevards  and  the  hanging  gar¬ 
dens?  Did  he  study  the  activities  of  the  priests,  or 
become  familiar  with  the  ancient  ritual  and  law  of 
his  masters?  Did  he  become  acquainted  with  the 
histories,  the  hymnody,  and  the  creation  stories  of  his 
captors,  or  was  he  devoting  his  time  to  the  literature 
of  his  own  people?  Was  the  problem  of  the  fall  of 
Judah  and  the  possibility  of  return  perplexing  him? 
We  can  well  believe  that  these  were  years  of  careful 
thought  in  which  all  the  material  at  hand  made  its 
contribution  to  his  final  outlook.  Of  this  we  are  con¬ 
vinced  when  we  read  the  first  chapter  of  his  book. 
Here  in  strange  weird  symbolism,  in  592  b.c.,  the 
prophet  presents  the  conclusion  he  has  reached,  viz., 
that  Yahweh  was  greater  than  all  the  Gods  of  Baby¬ 
lon  (Ezk.  i.  1-28).  The  bull  figures,  called  cherubim, 
each  with  four  heads,  were  the  composite  symbols 
of  Babylonian  divinities  that  were  seen  in  front  of  all 
the  palaces  and  temples  of  the  land.  But  Yahweh  is 
sitting  up  over  them,  and  it  is  he  who  with  all  seeing 
eye  sees,  and  with  swiftly  moving  chariot  visits  all 


228  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


parts  of  the  country.  How  wide  a  gulf  separated 
Ezekiel  from  those  kinsmen  of  his  who,  captivated  by 
the  commercial  glamor  of  the  day,  forgot  the  religious 
heritage  of  Israel. 

From  592  to  586  b.c.  he  was  occupied  chiefly 
with  predictions  of  coming  ruin  on  Jerusalem  (Ezk.  i.- 
xxiv.).  The  ethical  message  of  previous  prophets  he 
had  not  forgotten  (Ezk.  vii.,  xxii.  6-12),  but  as  a  priest 
he  was  most  interested  in  ritual  regulations.  In  this 
he  conceived  the  nation  to  have  grievously  sinned. 
Her  ancestry  had  been  Amorite  and  Hittite,  and  from 
the  beginning  she  had  been  pagan,  and  had  loved 
idolatry  (Ezk.  xvi.  1-5).  She  had  eaten  on  the  moun¬ 
tains,  thereby  violating  the  ideal  of  the  reformation, 
and  in  the  temple  she  had  accumulated  the  most 
abominable  religious  forms  imaginable  (Ezk.  viii.-xi.). 
For  sixteen  years  he  rang  the  changes  of  coming  doom 
because  of  Israel’s  unholy  rites  and  life.  He  declared 
Yahweh  had  left  the  temple  and  the  city  because  of 
her  iniquity.  By  startling  symbol  he  proclaimed  siege 
and  sword,  fire  and  pestilence  as  the  only  end  of  the 
nation.  Swiftly  the  fated  day  approached.  The  Baby¬ 
lonian  army  closed  in  on  the  stricken  city  and  patiently 
waited.  Grimly  the  besieged  held  out,  but  after  a 
year  and  a  half  of  suffering  they  capitulated  to  their 
foes.  The  actual  fall  of  the  city  came  to  Ezekiel  as 
a  great  shock.  So  overwhelmed  was  he  that  he  failed 
to  observe  the  usual  mourning  customs  over  his  wife, 
who  had  died  the  previous  day  (Ezk.  xxiv.  15-18). 
For  all  the  exiles  it  was  a  sad  day.  Relatives  in 
Jerusalem  had  suffered.  The  temple  and  the  city 
were  no  more.  National  hope  now  seemed  to  have 
nothing  left  to  cling  to,  and  the  faith  of  many  must 
have  been  shattered. 

Our  prophet  helped  to  save  the  situation.  He  had 
predicted  ruin,  but  he  had  also  told  the  reason  why. 
History  had  vindicated  his  words  and  accredited  him 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  229 

to  the  exiles.  He  had  also  paved  the  way  for  a  new 
beginning.  As  a  priest  he  was  naturally  an  individual¬ 
ist.  Conscious  that  the  state  was  tumbling,  he,  like 
Jeremiah,  saw  that  each  man  stood  by  himself  (p. 
213-214).  When  he  viewed  the  doomed  city  he  in¬ 
quired  if  the  righteous  were  going  to  suffer  with  the 
guilty,  and  was  assured  that  they  would  be  spared 
(ix.  3-8).  Noah,  Daniel,  and  Job  could  deliver  but 
their  own  souls  by  their  righteousness  (xiv.  12-23). 
This  conviction  he  finally  announced  in  the  phrase, 
“The  soul  that  sinneth  it  shall  die,’’  and  this  idea  he 
wrought  out  to  the  last  logical  detail  in  the  doctrine 
of  individualism  (Ezk.  xviii.  1-28;  xxxiii.  10-20). 
Hope  was  held  out  on  a  new  basis,  viz.,  that  of  the 
renewed  heart  in  the  individual,  “I  will  give  you  a  new 
heart,  and  will  put  a  new  spirit  within  you  .  .  .  and 
ye  shall  keep  my  statutes  to  do  them”  (Ezk.  xxxvi. 
26-27).  Hence,  a  remnant  of  the  faithful  will  be 
gathered  back,  and  Yahweh  himself  unable  to  trust 
his  flock  to  the  care  of  shepherds,  will  be  their  shep¬ 
herd,  and  “for  his  own  sake”  will  deliver  them  from 
those  who  prey  on  them  (Ezk.  xxxiv.  11-31).  The 
whole  nation,  scattered,  unorganized,  and  apparently 
lifeless,  will  be  marvelously  resurrected  and  brought 
back  to  Palestine,  where  they  will  be  the  people  of 
God,  and  will  serve  him  forevermore  (xxxvi.  1 — 
xxxvii.).  Later  the  hostile  nations  from  afar,  whoso¬ 
ever  they  may  be,  who  might  in  the  future  molest  her 
as  had  Assyria,  Egypt,  and  Babylonia  in  the  past,  all 
shall  be  overthrown  in  a  final  world  catastrophe, 
through  earthquake,  sword,  and  pestilence  (xxxviii.- 
xxxix.).  The  weapons  of  the  overthrown  armies  will 
suffice  for  seven  years  fuel  for  Israel,  the  carrion  birds 
will  flock  from  all  quarters  and  glut  themselves  on  the 
putrid  flesh  of  Yahweh’s  sacrifice,  and  seven  months 
will  be  required  for  the  burial  of  the  dead  bodies. 
Thus  will  the  captivity  of  Jacob  be  restored,  and  they 


230  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


shall  all  know  that  Yahweh  sent  them  into  captivity, 
that  he  gathered  them  to  their  own  land,  and  that  he 
will  not  hide  his  face  any  more  from  them. 

Chapters  xxv.-xxxii.  and  xxxv.  contain  attacks  on 
nations  bordering  on  Judah.  It  may  be  that  when 
the  immediate  fall  of  Jerusalem  was  certain,  the 
prophet  turned  his  attention  to  the  old-time  enemies. 
The  punishment,  described  in  each  case  with  consid¬ 
erable  detail,  is  thoroughgoing,  and  in  general  is  due 
to  the  attitude  of  the  respective  nation  towards 
Jerusalem  and  the  temple.  Edom,  the  most  contemp¬ 
tuous  enemy,  receives  the  severest  censure  of  all,  while 
Babylon  for  obvious  reasons  is  never  mentioned. 

It  was  fourteen  years  later,  towards  the  close  of  his 
life,  that  Ezekiel  wrote  his  temple  vision  (Ezk.  xL- 
xlviii.).  This  was  his  most  important  contribution 
to  the  thought  and  the  life  of  his  people.  In  this  he 
prescribed  the  conditions  under  which  a  people  might 
themselves  remain  holy,  and  serve  a  holy  God  accept¬ 
ably,  and  thus  permanently  occupy  a  holy  land.  Years 
before,  Ezekiel  had  seen  Yahweh  leave  the  temple  be¬ 
cause  of  ritual  uncleanness.  How  could  the  sanctuary 
be  so  purified  and  protected  that  it  would  be  suitable 
for  the  abode  of  the  holy  God,  was  his  problem.  The 
temple  vision,  dated  572  b.c.,  which  contains  his 
matured  conception  of  true  religion,  is  his  answer 
(Ezk.  xl.-xlviii.).  Religious  life  must  be  conserved  by 
rule  and  regulation  is  his  prescription  for  national 
salvation,  and  is  the  foundation  of  his  hope  for  Israel. 
The  scheme  is  well  ordered.  All  the  tribes  are  to  be 
gathered  into  an  organization  that  is  essentially 
ecclesiastical.  The  ^^sacred  estate’’  is  an  era  about 
seven  and  one  half  miles  square,  which  is  to  be  situated 
about  the  center  of  Palestine,  some  miles  north  of  the 
actual  city  of  Jerusalem.  Seven  tribes  are  to  lie  on 
the  north  and  the  remaining  five  on  the  south  of  this 
estate.  To  the  east  and  the  west  of  it  is  to  lie  the 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  231 

property  of  the  prince.  This  ‘^sacred  estate’’  is  to  be 
divided  into  three  equal  parts  lying  side  by  side  from 
east  to  west.  The  northern  one-third  is  to  be  the 
property  of  the  Levites.  Directly  south  of  this  is  the 
one-third  which  is  to  be  the  possession  of  the  priests, 
the  Zadokites,  and  in  the  center  of  this  is  to  lie  the 
temple.  South  of  this  again,  lies  the  one-third  in 
which  is  to  be  the  city,  about  one  and  one-third  miles 
square,  with  a  boulevard  two  hundred  and  sixty-four 
yards  wide,  running  completely  around  it.  On  each 
side  of  the  city,  east  and  west,  lies  a  square  about  three 
by  two  and  one-third  miles  for  community  tillage.  The 
temple,  which  is  to  lie  in  the  very  center  of  the  ‘^sacred 
estate,”  is  to  be  built  on  a  very  high  mountain,  and  the 
altar  is  to  be  approached  by  three  terraces.  Walls  sur¬ 
round  the  whole  enclosure,  and  the  entrances  are  care¬ 
fully  guarded  by  officers.  Nothing  unclean  may  enter 
the  holy  place.  The  last  verse  of  the  book  discloses 
the  ideal  in  this  most  carefully  guarded  holy  of  holies. 
^‘Yahweh  is  there.” 

Some  important  developments  in  the  ritual  are 
found  in  this  section  of  the  book.  The  priesthood  is 
now  separated  into  two  classes,  viz.,  the  priests,  the 
sons  of  Zadok,  and  the  Levites  (Ezk.  xliv.  10-27;  xliii. 
19;  xlii.  13).  In  Deuteronomy  all  were  the  priests, 
the  Levites.  Two  courts  now  enclose  the  sanctuary 
instead  of  one  as  heretofore.  Two  hitherto  unknown 
types  of  offering,  the  guilt  and  the  sin  offering,  are 
now  added  (Ezk.  xliv.  29;  xlv.  21-25).  The  temple 
now  must  be  completely  separated  from  all  secular 
personages  and  from  all  secular  buildings,  which  is  a 
radical  departure  from  the  past.  The  prince  is  now 
to  be  a  mere  appendage  to  the  priesthood  with  no  func¬ 
tion  in  the  state.  His  palace  and  his  private  cemetery, 
as  well  as  all  his  property,  cannot  come  within  at  least 
four  miles  of  the  temple  (xliii.  7-9;  xlv.  7,  8).  Quite 
contrary  to  all  early  history,  as  well  as  to  the  require- 


232  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


ments  of  Deuteronomy,  no  foreigner  who  is  among  the 
children  of  Israel  may  have  entrance  to  the  temple 
(xliv.  7-9). 

While  it  is  easy  to  see  how  this  was  an  interpretation 
of  earlier  regulations  by  one  who  was  familiar  with 
the  priestly  ritual  of  both  Israel  and  Babylon,  we  do 
not  wonder  that  the  Rabbis  were  long  in  doubt  as  to 
its  right  to  a  place  in  the  canon.  Their  theory  of 
Mosaic  authorship  of  the  law  left  no  room  for  such 
a  code.  It  occupies  an  intermediate  place  in  the  Old 
Testament  ritual.  It  grew  out  of  the  earlier,  and  was 
the  stepping  stone  to  the  later.  Ezekiel  was  of  the 
^‘apostolic  succession”  of  the  priesthood.  Most  of 
his  distinctive  features  influenced  the  succeeding  cen¬ 
turies  of  Judaism.  From  now  on  ritual  is  given  a  very 
important  place  even  by  the  prophets. 

The  last  word  from  Ezekiel  is  in  part  an  apology. 
In  586  B.C.,  when  Nebuchadrezzar  was  besieging  Tyre, 
with  great  detail  he  predicted  that  “he  shall  enter 
into  thy  gates,  his  horses  shall  tread  down  all  thy 
streets  ...  he  shall  break  down  thy  walls,  they  shall 
lay  thy  stones  and  thy  timbers  and  thy  dust  in  the 
midst  of  the  water  .  .  .  thou  shalt  be  built  no  more 
(Ezk.  xxvi.  7-14).  But  history  declares  that  after  a 
thirteen  year  siege  the  Babylonian  army,  unable  to 
reduce  the  obstinate  city,  gave  up  the  attempt. 
Ezekiel,  aware  of  this,  in  570  b.c.,  three  years  after  the 
withdrawal  of  the  army,  candidly  acknowledged  the 
failure  of  the  letter  of  his  prediction,  but  is  quite  un¬ 
disturbed,  because  the  general  principle  of  punish¬ 
ment  of  evil  has  been  in  operation  (Ezk.  xxix.  17-20). 

Holiness  Code — A  kindred  spirit  to  Ezekiel  perhaps 
a  few  years  later  gathered  together  and  interpreted  in 
harmony  with  the  general  conception  of  his  contem¬ 
porary  some  of  the  ritual  and  social  customs  of  the 
past.  Leviticus  xvii.-xxvi.,  which  owing  to  the  intro¬ 
duction  and  the  hortatory  conclusion,  may  justly  be 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  233 

called  a  code,  was  practically  completed  by  at  least  the 
close  of  the  exile.^ 

Owing  to  its  general  tone  these  chapters  are  now 
designated  as  ^‘Holiness  Code.”  A  careful  study,  which 
shows  a  lack  of  order  (cf.  xviii.  and  xx.,  which  treat  the 
same  general  topic,  are  separated  by  xix.,  which  deals 
with  entirely  different  laws;  and  xxiv.,  which  is  un¬ 
related  either  to  what  precedes  or  follows),  and  re¬ 
veals  duplicate  laws  (cf.  xix.  3  with  xix.  30  and  xxvi. 
2;  xix.  26  with  xvii.  10-14;  xix.  4  with  xxvi.  1  and  xxiii. 
22  with  xix.  9),  makes  it  evident  that  this  code  was 
not  the  work  of  a  single  mind  or  the  product  of  a 
single  century  as  was  Ezekiel  xl.-xlviii.  It  is  appar¬ 
ently  a  compilation  of  excerpts  from  two  or  more 
earlier  codes. 

It  demands  that  all  sacrifice  and  the  slaughter  of  all 
animals  should  be  before  Yahweh  (Lv.  xvii.) ;  that  the 
priests  and  all  the  offerings  should  be  carefully  guarded 
from  defilement  (Lv.  xxi.-xxii.);  that  a  sacred  calen¬ 
dar,  which  shows  traces  of  early  agricultural  conditions, 
should  be  observed  (Lv.  xxiii.,  xxv.);  and  that  laws 
regulating  certain  sex  and  social  conditions  should  be 
executed  (Lv.  xviii.-xx.  xxiv.).  Many  of  the  laws  hark 
back  to  early  conditions,  and  parallels  are  found  both 
in  C.C.  and  D.  In  its  present  form  it  assumes  the 
central  sanctuary  of  D.  (Lv.  xvii.  3,  4,  9),  and  is 
marked  by  much  the  same  social  spirit.  Stealing, 
lying,  false  swearing,  holding  back  wages,  and  giving 
false  judgment  are  all  condemned  (Lv.  xix.  11-18). 
In  fact,  chapter  xix.  contains  both  tables  of  the  deca¬ 
logue.  The  people  are  enjoined  to  observe  the  sab¬ 
batical  year  and  the  year  of  jubilee  (Lv.  xxv.),  to 
deal  leniently  with  the  slave  (Lv.  xix.  33),  to  oppress 

'  It  is  to  be  noted  in  passing  that  a  number  of  leading  scholars  are 
inclined  to  place  this  code  earlier  than  the  time  of  Ezekiel,  perhaps 
as  much  as  half  a  century.  For  our  purpose  the  definite  date  is 
immaterial. 


234  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


not  the  resident  alien  but  to  grant  him  the  same  priv¬ 
ilege  as  the  home-born  in  the  civil  court  and  before  the 
altar  (Lv.  xvii.  8,  10,  13;  xxiv.  22).  In  fullest  accord 
with  D.  they  are  to  love  him  as  themselves  (Lv.  xix. 
34). 

While  in  some  particulars,  as  the  attitude  towards 
the  foreigner,  it  differs  from  that  of  Ezekiel,  on  the 
whole  there  is  a  marked  agreement.  Attacks  were 
made  on  the  same  social  vices  which  were  encouraged 
by  much  of  the  religion  of  the  day,  and  the  holiness  of 
Yahweh  was  guarded  by  measures  similar  to  those  in 
Ezekiel.  It  is  ritualistic  in  its  outlook.  The  keeping 
of  ancient  taboos  is  on  the  same  level  as  the  observ¬ 
ance  of  the  moral  law  (Lv.  xix.  11-18  cf.  xix.  19-20 
and  xix.  29-30).  Hence  the  ethical  demands  of  the 
eighth-century  prophets  are  now  to  be  observed  be¬ 
cause,  ^T  am  Yahweh  your  God,  who  brought  you  up 
out  of  the  land  of  Egypt’^  (Lv.  xix.  10,  12,  14,  16,  36). 
The  code  closes  as  do  the  earlier  ones  with  both 
promise  and  threat  (Lv.  xxvi.  3-13,  14-33).  The 
chastisement  suggested  in  the  closing  paragraph  is  as 
definite  as  an  historian  could  summarize  the  actual 
history  of  Judah,  and  the  closing  words  of  the  code 
hold  out  the  assurance  of  return  to  their  own  land 
when  they  become  humble  and  accept  the  due  pun¬ 
ishment  for  their  sins.  Then  will  Yahweh  remember 
his  covenant  with  the  fathers  and  will  not  utterly 
abhor  them  in  the  land  of  their  enemies.  This  code 
has  a  rare  combination  of  the  prophetic  and  the 
priestly,  the  ethical  and  the  ritual,  drawn  together  by 
some  zealous  reformer. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  other  similar  laws,  of  which 
Leviticus  xi,  43-45  and  Numbers  xv.  37-41  may  serve 
as  an  illustration,  were  collected  and  written  down  in 
this  period.  It  was  the  early  work  of  a  school  that 
through  the  following  two  centuries  adjusted  ancient 
religious  customs  to  meet  the  spiritual  needs  of  their 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  235 

age,  and  thus  helped  to  conserve  the  best  and  the 
holiest  of  the  past.  Later  we  shall  find  the  full  ripe 
fruitage  of  which  Ezekiel’s  vision  and  Hohness  Code 
were  but  the  promise. 

D enter onomic  Activity~The  opportunities  of  the 
exile  called  others  than  the  priestly  caste  to  the  literary 
task.  The  historians  of  the  Deuteronomic  school  were 
still  busily  at  work  (cf.  pp.  215-216).  Already  the 
earlier  history  from  the  time  of  David  back  through  the 
judges  and  the  patriarchs  to  the  beginning  existed  as  a 
connected  story  in  written  form.  The  religious  inter¬ 
pretation  of  this  history  was  now  essayed.  Thus  was 
the  JE.  roll  definitely  linked  up  with  Deuteronomy. 
A  large  contribution  was  made  to  the  present  first 
twelve  chapters  of  Joshua,  giving  the  JE.  story  of  the 
early  conquest  of  Canaan  a  new  and  more  religious 
interpretation  (e.g.,  Josh.  i.  3-9;  iv.  21-24;  v.  4-7;  viii. 
1-12;  xi.  10-xii.  24).  The  already  ancient  story  book 
of  the  Judges  was  reworked  so  that  the  story  of  each 
judge  was  fitted  into  a  framework  (cf.  Jgs.  iii.  12-15; 
iv.  1-3;  V.  31;  vi.  1,  7-10,  etc.),  and  the  ancient  heroes 
became  the  preachers  of  the  doctrine  of  loyalty  to 
Yahweh.  The  books  of  Samuel  which  had  been  com¬ 
piled  some  time  before  this  bear  very  slight  trace  of 
the  Deuteronomic  ideal.  Probably  I  Samuel  ii.  27-36 ; 
iii.  11-14;  vi.  5;  viii.  1-22;  x.  17-24;  xii.  1-25;  xiv.  47- 
51;  II  Samuel  viii.  1-6;  xii.  7,  8,  10-12,  show  the  most 
decided  features  of  this  school.  Thus  with  Kings  com¬ 
pleted  they  preserved  to  posterity  a  mass  of  the  most 
important  historical  material,  but  more  important 
still,  they  wrought  the  whole  field  of  their  ancient 
history  into  a  vivid,  inspiring,  religious  message. 

Lamentations — Poets,  whose  songs  could  not  be  re¬ 
strained,  were  also  in  the  land.  The  terrors  of  the 
siege  in  586  b.c.  and  the  national  catastrophe  left  an 
indelible  impress  on  the  minds  of  many.  The  book  of 
Lamentations  containing  five  independent  poems  in 


236  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


elegiac  meter,  each  of  the  first  four  arranged  as  an 
elegiac  acrostic,  depicts  the  suffering  and  mourns  over 
the  ruined  city.  We  are  perhaps  indebted  to  two  or 
more  poets  for  these  exquisite  literary  gems.  The 
Septuagint  suggests  that  Jeremiah  was  the  author, 
but  this  is  scarcely  sustained  by  their  form  and  con¬ 
tent.  Poems  two  and  four,  written  in  the  same  style 
and  likely  by  the  same  author,  may  have  come  from 
a  sufferer  in  the  siege.  They  are  laments  that  are 
unutterably  doleful.  Because  of  Zion’s  sin,  Yahweh 
became  her  enemy  and  brought  the  inhabitants  to  the 
last  stages  of  despair.  The  gold  of  the  sanctuary  was 
dimmed,  the  stones  were  hurled  down  into  the  street, 
the  princes  became  emaciated,  the  women  boiled  and 
ate  their  own  babes,  all  because  of  the  anger  of  Yah¬ 
weh.  Poems  one  and  five  have  similarities,  and  may 
be  slightly  later.  Zion  is  desolated,  and  her  people  are 
captive  in  Egypt  and  Assyria,  but  Yahweh  is  righteous. 
Poem  three,  the  most  artificial  of  all,  may  be  still 
later.  It  lacks  the  pathos  of  the  others,  as  well  as  the 
clear  historical  background.  It  is  an  appeal  to  the 
afflicted  to  wait  patiently  for  the  salvation  of  God, 
who  is  good  to  all  those  who  seek  him,  together  with 
a  cry  to  the  Lord  to  render  the  full  recompense  on 
all  the  oppressors. 

Psalms — Songs  of  a  more  religious  tone  were  surely 
not  wanting  among  the  faithful.  Some  of  the  psalms 
give  unmistakable  evidence  of  exilic  influence 
(cxxxvii.,  Ixxvii.,  Ixxxix.,  Ixviii.,  xxii.).  Many  others 
may  have  been  composed  and  sung  by  the  pious 
worshipers  of  Yahweh  both  in  and  outside  of  Palestine. 
The  ^^Song  of  Moses”  (Dt.  xxxii.  1-43),  which  cele¬ 
brates  the  justice  and  loving  kindness  of  Yahweh, 
and  holds  out  the  hope  of  vengeance  on  all  the  adver¬ 
saries  of  the  nation,  was  most  likely  composed  before 
the  end  of  the  exile.  Its  points  of  contact  with  the 
literature  of  this  period  in  phrase  and  idea  are  very 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  237 

marked.  The  days  of  the  exodus  lie  in  the  dim  past, 
and  the  wilderness  experience  is  idealized.  Canaan 
has  been  occupied,  enemies  have  risen  up  against  them, 
'  and  great  has  been  the  suffering,  but  deliverance  is 
near  at  hand. 


B — Closing  Years  of. the  Exile 

Cyrus — The  closing  years  of  the  exile  witnessed  one 
of  those  amazing  international  upheavals  such  as  has 
only  rarely  occurred  in  human  history.  With  the  death 
of  Nebuchadrezzar,  Babylon  entered  a  period  of  rapid 
decline.  His  son  was  murdered  at  the  end  of  two 
years.  The  murderer  ruled  four  years  and  left  the 
throne  to  a  son  who,  after  nine  months,  was  slain. 
Thus  Nabonidus,  the  fourth  king  after  Nebuchad¬ 
rezzar,  a  prince  of  an  entirely  different  family,  with 
the  interests  of  an  archaeologist  rather  than  those  of  a 
soldier,  came  to  the  throne  in  555  b.c. 

A  few  years  previous  to  this  a  young  prince,  Cyrus 
by  name,  had  been  crowned  king  of  the  little  moun¬ 
tain  principality  of  Anshan.  His  gifts  enabled  him 
to  rise  rapidly  to  the  very  pinnacle  of  power.  The 
nations  were  poorly  organized  and  still  more  poorly 
ofl&cered.  He  was  both  warrior  and  statesman.  In 
550  B.c.  he  successfully  revolted  against  Astyages,  king 
of  Media,  who  was  his  overlord.  The  following  year 
all  Media  bowed  before  him.  By  547  b.c.  he  was  king 
of  Persia  and  had  subjugated  northern  Mesopotamia. 
In  546  B.c.  he  marched  west  to  try  conclusions  with 
Croesus,  king  of  the  Lydians,  who  had  formed  a  de¬ 
fensive  alliance  with  the  Egyptians  and  the  Baby¬ 
lonians.  Before  aid  could  come  to  him  Cyrus  forced 
him  to  give  battle  and  at  Sinope  defeated  him,  and 
then  marched  to  Sardis,  the  Lydian  capital,  which  he 
reduced  in  two  months.  The  same  year  the  Greeks 


238  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  the  iEgean  coast  acknowledged  his  supremacy.  In 
539  B.c.  he  approached  Babylon.  He  defeated  Bel¬ 
shazzar,  son  of  Nabonidus,  the  leader  of  the  army  at 
Opis.  From  thence  he  marched  against  the  city  of 
Babylon  whither  the  king  had  fled.  Entrance  was 
gained  without  siege,  owing  to  treachery  on  the  part 
of  priests  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  king’s  lack 
of  homage  to  the  old  Babylonian  gods.  Nabonidus 
was  captured,  and  the  Persian  rule  was  established  in 
October,  539  b.c.  Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  the 
Hebrew  prophets,  the  city  and  its  deities  suffered  in 
no  way  (Isa.  xxi.  2-10;  xiii.  1 — xiv.  23;  xlvi.  1,  2;  xlvii. 
1-15). 

Thus,  meteor-like,  was  established  a  new  dynasty 
which  opened  up  the  era  of  Aryian  rule  over  the 
western  world.  For  more  than  two  centuries  Persian 
authority  held  sway  in  the  land  in  which  our  studies 
lie. 

Cyrus  has  given  us  his  own  report,  which  in  part 
is  as  follows: 

“He  searched  through  all  lands;  he  saw  him,  and  he 
sought  the  righteous  prince,  after  his  own  heart,  whom  he 
took  by  the  hand.  Cyrus,  king  of  Anshan,  he  called  by 
name ;  to  sovereignty  over  the  world  he  appointed  him.  .  .  . 
Marduk,  the  great  lord,  the  guardian  of  his  people,  looked 
with  joy  on  his  pious  works  and  his  upright  heart;  he 
commanded  him  to  go  to  his  city  Babylon,  and  he  caused 
him  to  take  the  road  to  Babylon,  going  by  his  side  as  a 
friend  and  companion  .  .  .  without  skirmish  or  battle  he 
permitted  him  to  enter  Babylon.  He  spared  his  city  in  its 
calamity.  Nabonidus  the  king  who  did  not  reverence  him 
he  delivered  into  his  hand.”  (Cyrus  Cylinder.) 

His  policy  was  unquestionably  one  of  toleration  for 
race  and  religion  (cf.  Ezra  i.  1-4). 

Isaiah  xiii.  2 — xiv.  23 — This  commanding  military 
genius  and  these  momentous  international  convulsions 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  239 

could  not  fail  to  attract  the  gaze  of  many  devout 
thinkers  among  the  captivity.  His  first  great  victory, 
when  Astyages  was  delivered  into  his  hands  by  the 
Median  army,  raised  great  hopes  in  the  hearts  of  some 
of  the  exiles.  One  of  the  greatest  elegies  in  the  Old 
Testament  expresses  most  vigorously  the  confidences 
that  were  stimulated  by  this  triumph  (Isa.  xiii.  2 — xiv. 
23).  Calamities  of  the  most  terrible  type  are  here 
pronounced  on  Babylon.  The  multitude  from  the 
mountains,  the  constellations  of  the  heavens,  the 
forces  of  earthquake  and  storm  shall  be  arrayed 
against  wicked  and  arrogant  Babylon.  The  Medes 
are  to  accomplish  the  terrible  day  of  Yahweh  on  the 
pride  of  the  Chaldean,  and  Jacob  and  Israel  shall  re¬ 
turn  to  their  own  land.  Nowhere  have  we  a  more 
vivid  picture  of  the  pomp  and  pride  of  Babylon,  the 
beautiful,  nor  so  elaborate  a  picture  of  her  certain 
downfall.  The  author,  like  Nahum  in  his  song  over 
Nineveh,  delights  in  the  thought  that  this  city  with 
which  he  was  so  well  acquainted  is  going  down  to  the 
deepest  sheol,  to  the  uttermost  part  of  the  pit.  No 
more  weird  scene  is  found  anywhere  in  Scripture  than 
the  welcome  extended  to  the  fallen  king  on  his  en¬ 
trance  to  the  underworld  (xiv.  4-20).  The  passionate 
hatred  that  runs  throughout  the  closing  ode  speaks  of 
an  author  who  had  personally  suffered  grievously  at 
the  hands  of  the  ancient  oppressor  (xiv.  4b-23). 

Isaiah  xxi.  1-10;  Jer.  1.  2 — li.  58 — After  Cyrus  in  547 
B.C.  became  king  of  Persia,  and  thus  united  the  Median 
and  Elamite  armies,  some  poet  saw  this  combination 
as  the  whirlwind  that  was  going  to  devastate  Babylon 
(Isa.  xxi.  1-10).  In  like  strain  is  much  that  is  found 
in  Jeremiah  1.  2 — li.  58,  which  fits  into  the  above 
history.  Here,  Jerusalem  has  fallen,  the  temple  has 
been  violated,  the  people  are  in  captivity,  great  nations 
from  the  north,  of  whom  the  Medes  are  named,  are 
on  the  march  to  wreak  vengeance  on  Babylon  for  her 


240  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Israel  will  then  be  brought 
back  to  Carmel  and  Bashan,  and  Judah  to  her  own 
country,  while  in  Zion  the  work  of  Yahweh  will 
be  declared.  The  attitude  and  the  style  of  this  are 
so  different  from  Jeremiah  that  it  can  scarcely  have 
come  from  him  (cf.  Jer.  xxv.  10,  27-29).  This  lengthy 
repetitious  tirade  against  the  doomed  city  can  scarcely 
be  earlier  than  540  b.c.,  and  its  literary  echoes  of  other 
literature  suggests  an  even  later  date  {e.g.,  Jer.  1.  39- 
40;  cf.  Isa.  xiii.  19-22;  Jer.  li.  25;  cf.  Ezk.  xxxv.  3). 

Alongside  of  these  voices  that  breathed  out  venge¬ 
ance  against  the  enemy  were  those  that  uttered  con¬ 
solation  for  the  captives.  Cyrus,  as  the  day  star  on 
the  horizon,  stirred  a  chorus  of  hope  and  faith.  A 
marked  evidence  of  this  is  found  in  stray  notes  that 
are  imbedded  in  the  earlier  prophets.  Nine  small 
books  containing  the  prophetic  oracles  of  almost  two 
centuries  were  by  this  time  in  the  possession  of  the 
religious  leaders.  Who  kept  them  or  where,  we  do  not 
know,  but  somehow  during  these  disastrous  days  they 
were  preserved.  No  doubt  they  were  considered  the 
private  property  of  the  individual  or  the  group  that 
was  fortunate  enough  to  possess  one  or  more  of  them. 
To  those  who  were  acquainted  with  them  they  were 
precious  because  of  their  contents,  but  by  no  one  were 
they  deemed  ‘‘canonical.’’  Study  naturally  accom¬ 
panied  ownership.  Interpretation  was  necessarily  a 
part  of  study,  and  reapplication  and  enlargement  be¬ 
longed  to  the  same  process.  Two  centuries  of  such 
activity  must  have  left  its  impress. 

Illuminating  illustrations  of  this  fact  are  frequent. 
The  book  of  Hosea  had  in  this  way  been  brought  up 
to  date.  He  was  a  northerner  preaching  so  far  as  we 
know  only  to  Israel.  But  in  the  present  book  there 
are  many  peculiar  asides  which  are  in  no  way  related 
to  the  context,  and  would  sound  very  strange  in  the 
ears  of  Israel.  Many  phrases  are  but  the  application 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C,  241 

of  Hosea’s  sermons  of  740  b.c.,  to  Judah  after  722  b.c. 
{e.g.y  Hos.  i.  7;  hi.  5;  iv.  15;  v.  5;  vi.  11 ;  viii.  14;  x.  11). 
Men  such  as  Baruch  had  been  at  work  arranging  and 
supplementing  with  the  necessary  historical  detail  the 
legacies  of  their  masters  or  friends  {e.g.,  Jer.  xxviii., 
xxix.,  xxxii.-xxxiv.,  xxxvii.-xliv.  30;  Isa.  xxxvi.- 
xxxix.).  Historical  superscriptions  must  have  been 
added  from  time  to  time  by  eager  students  of  the 
writings  {e.g.,  Amos  i.  1;  Hos.  i.  1;  Mic.  i.  1;  Isa.  i.  1). 

Furthermore,  worth-while  contributions  by  un¬ 
named  prophets  were  carefully  preserved  and  easily 
became  attached  to  those  of  well  known  kindred 
spirits.  Micah  iv.-v.  and  vi.-vii.  did  not  all  come  from 
the  days  of  Hezekiah,  if  internal  evidence  is  of  any 
value.  A  nucleus  from  that  prophet  (Mic.  v.  10-14; 
vi.  9-16;  vii.  1-6)  may  have  at  a  later  period  attracted 
to  it  a  number  of  most  important  oracles.  The  third 
chapter  of  Habakkuk,  which  is  a  Psalm,  may  have 
been  the  result  of  the  same  process.  Messages  of  hope 
may  in  the  days  of  great  hope  have  been  added  here 
and  there  to  relieve  the  dark  outlook  of  these  early 
preachers  of  righteousness  {e.g.,  Hos.  i.  10 — ii.  1; 
Zeph.  ii.  8-11;  hi.  8-20).  That  this  process  of  inter¬ 
pretation  continued  until  even  after  the  canonization 
of  the  books,  is  well  known,  and  we  are  profoundly 
grateful  to  those  unnamed  men,  who  so  carefully  pre¬ 
served  the  ancient  documents,  and  at  the  same  time 
so  conscientiously  added  or  inserted  the  ideals  and 
visions  vouchsafed  to  them  for  their  own  generation. 

Isaiah  xl.-lv. — The  most  important  singer  of  all  the 
exile  was  the  one  who  most  confidently  heralded  the 
coming  dawn.  His  message  in  late  centuries  became 
attached  to  that  of  Isaiah,  and  now  we  perforce  must 
call  him  Deutero-Isaiah  (Isa.  xl.-lv.).  His  language 
and  thought  indeed  shows  some  resemblance  to  that 
of  the  earlier  prophet,  but  still  greater  dissimilarity 
(cf.  pp.  176-177).  He  lived  under  the  Babylonian 


242  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


regime.  Jerusalem  had  fallen,  and  his  people  were 
suffering.  He  was  aware  that  Cyrus  was  approaching, 
and  was  certain  that  the  great  city  would  fall  and 
that  her  gods  would  go  into  captivity  (Isa.  xlvi.  1,  2; 
xlvii.  1-15).  Isaiah  lived  when  Assyria  was  the  ruling 
power,  this  prophet  when  Babylon  was  tottering  to 
her  fall.  Isaiah  warns  against  idols;  this  man  laughs 
at  them,  describes  how  they  are  made  and  rates  them 
as  nothing  (Isa.  xl.  18-20;  xliv.  9-20).  With  this 
book,  monotheism  reaches  its  dogmatic  climax,  “I 
form  light  and  create  darkness,  I  make  peace  and 
create  evil,  I  am  Yahweh  that  doeth  all  these  things’’ 
(Isa.  xlv.  7). 

The  message  throughout  is  one  of  comfort.  It  is 
a  vigorous  appeal  to  the  exiles  to  prepare  for  the  home¬ 
going  which  will  be  possible  in  the  immediate  future 
owing  to  the  conquest  of  Cyrus.  It  has,  however,  a 
still  deeper  note.  The  book  in  its  present  form  con¬ 
tains  four  songs,  called  appropriately  the  ^‘Servant 
Songs”  (Isa.  xlii.  1-4;  xlix.  1-6;  1.  4-9;  lii.  13 — liii.  12). 
These  are  in  poetic  form  and  are  not  closely  knit  to 
their  present  contexts.  In  common  with  the  rest  of 
the  book  they  think  of  Israel  or  Jacob  as  the 
'^Servant,”  but  their  common  theme  separates  them 
from  it. 

The  explanation  of  the  captivity  is  the  question 
they  seek  to  solve.  This  was  a  fertile  theme  for  many 
of  the  thinkers  of  the  nation.  Preceding  prophets  had 
no  hesitancy  in  declaring  that  it  was  coming  owing  to 
the  sins  of  the  leaders,  but  when  the  flower  of  the  land 
was  actually  taken  captive  in  597  b.c.  and  again  in  586 
B.C.,  and  the  poor  of  the  land  gained  the  vacant  ofl&ces 
and  properties,  it  was  soon  found  that  national  morals 
were  in  no  way  improved.  The  sins  of  those  left  were 
as  great  as  of  those  deported.  It  was  later  realized 
that  the  conquerors  were  more  wicked  than  either. 
Under  these  circumstances  many  must  have  ques- 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  EXILE,  586-539  B.C.  243 

tioned  the  meaning  of  this  strange  providence.  When 
they  further  found  that  this  harsh  experience  led  some 
of  the  captives  to  a  profound  repentance  and  to  a 
more  fervent  and  intelligent  devotion  to  the  religion 
of  Yahweh,  they  had  still  further  food  for  thought. 

The  author  of  these  songs  has  given  us  one  of  the 
most  fundamental  religious  conceptions  of  the  Old 
Testament.  They  give  a  profoundly  spiritual  ex¬ 
planation  of  the  great  suffering  of  a  good  people. 
Israel,  or  the  nucleus  of  Israel,  is  conceived  of  as  a 
missionary  to  the  Gentiles  in  order  to  teach  them 
quietly  and  wisely  the  moral  law  (Isa.  xlii.  2-4). 
Their  suffering,  marred  and  bruised  as  they  are,  is 
the  method  Yahweh  has  used  that  through  their  mes¬ 
sage  and  their  life  he  might  bring  the  nations  to  him¬ 
self.  Apart  from  this,  a  vicarious  sacrifice,  this  great 
achievement  could  not  be  accomplished.  Thus  they 
were  consoled  that  their  exile,  their  suffering,  had  not 
been  in  vain  (Isa.  lii.  13 — liii.  12). 

The  importance  of  this  was  twofold.  It  presented 
to  the  homeless  Israelites  a  worth-while  religious  task 
and  an  acceptable  explanation  of  their  Babylonian 
experience.  To  become  the  missionaries  of  the  true 
God  to  those  sitting  in  darkness  and  in  the  shadow  of 
death  might  well  arouse  the  energies  of  all  the  devout. 
On  the  other  hand,  here  was  expressed  clearly  for  the 
first  time  the  eternal  principle  of  vicarious  sacrifice. 
This  belief  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  of  the  stricken 
people  must  have  been  the  silver  lining  of  an  exceed¬ 
ingly  dark  national  cloud.  In  a  much  fuller  and  truer 
sense  than  in  the  exile  do  we  find  this  principle  ex¬ 
emplified  in  the  life  and  death  of  our  Lord.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  in  later  days  the  ‘‘Suffering  Servant” 
was  identified  only  with  the  Messiah.  But  acquaint¬ 
ance  with  the  historical  background  and  the  genesis 
of  the  ideal  adds  light  and  beauty  to  the  conception 
which  is  crowned  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  Christ. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD, 

539-332  B.c. 

Ezra-Nehemiah;  Haggai;  Zechariah  i.-viii.; 

Malachi;  Isaiah  xxxiv.,  xxxv.,  lvi.-lxvi.; 

Obadiah;  Ruth;  Jonah;  Job;  Psalms;  Joel. 

A — The  Opening  Decades  Under  Persian 
Supremacy,  539-516  b.c. 

Ezra-Nehemiah — The  editor  of  the  books  of  Kings 
continued  no  further  than  the  year  561  b.c.  A  school 
of  historians  that  had  for  half  a  century  been  doing 
yeoman  service  had  accomplished  its  work,  and  now 
passed  from  the  stage  of  history.  For  the  Persian 
period,  besides  the  prophetic  writers  and  the  singers, 
we  must  turn  to  the  ecclesiastical  historian  for  guid¬ 
ance.  Ezra-Nehemiah,  originally  one  book,  is  a  con¬ 
tinuation  of  Chronicles.  It  was  written  by  a  member 
of  the  same  priestly  school,  and  that  not  earlier  than 
300  B.c.  Priestly  interests  controlled  him  almost 
wholly  in  his  selection  and  interpretation  of  traditions 
and  documents. 

We  might  expect,  with  a  long  cultural  history  be¬ 
hind  and  fully  developed  literary  processes  at  com¬ 
mand,  to  have  an  ample  and  continuous  story  of  these 
two  centuries.  But  far  from  it;  the  historical  frag¬ 
ments  both  in  completeness  and  in  arrangement  are 
as  meager  and  as  confused  as  was  the  life  of  the  people 
themselves.  During  this  period  there  are  only  two 

244 


245 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

occasions  when  well-known  historic  characters  stand 
before  us,  and  it  is  only  after  the  greatest  pains  that 
the  picture  can  be  filled  in,  even  in  the  most  tentative 
manner. 

Like  Chronicles,  Ezra-Nehemiah  is  a  compilation  of 
a  compilation.  The  sources  and  their  values  are 
easily  distinguished  because  of  style  and  thought: 

(A)  — The  personal  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  are  his¬ 
torical  sources  of  first  quality.  They  are  the  ‘^1” 
sections,  viz.,  Nehemiah  i.-vii.  5;  xiii.  4-31,  preserved 
almost  as  they  came  from  the  pen  of  Nehemiah  and 
early  records,  viz.,  Nehemiah  xi.  3-36;  xii.  27-47;  xiii. 
1-3,  which  have  been  freely  worked  over  by  the  editor. 

(B)  — A  second  group  of  material  consists  of  the 
memoirs  of  Ezra.  Here  we  find  the  section,  Ezra 
vii.  27 — ix.  15,  which,  though  in  the  literary  style  of 
the  chronicler,  we  may  accept  as  largely  indebted  to 
an  original  document.  In  addition  to  this,  Ezra  i.  1-4; 
ii.  68-70;  vii.  1-10;  x.  1-44;  Nehemiah  vii.  73 — viii. 
18;  ix.-x.,  have  perhaps  memoirs  of  Ezra  behind  them, 
but  the  ideal  of  the  chronicler  has  been  impressed  on 
them.  (C) — The  third  source  is  the  genealogical  list, 
likely  taken  from  the  temple  archives,  and  is  a  priestly 
compilation  (Neh.  vii.  6-69;  cf.  Ezra  ii.  1-69;  Neh. 
xii.  1-26).  (D) — The  fourth  element  is  the  Aramaic 
section,  which  comes  from  a  source  written  about  450 
B.C.  (Ezra  iv.  8 — vi.  16).  While  in  its  present  form 
it  is  not  free  from  editing,  it  need  not  be  doubted  to 
be  an  interpretation  of  a  temple  document.  (E) — 
The  remainder  of  the  material  and  some  brief  inter¬ 
polations  in  the  above  may  be  based  on  written  or 
oral  sources,  but  are  throughout  in  the  style  of  the 
chronicler,  and  require  great  care  to  determine  their 
historical  bearing. 

The  editor  had  certain  good  sources  with  which  to 
work,  but  unfortunately  he  had  no  chronological  chart 
of  Persian  or  even  of  Jewish  history.  How  could  the 


246  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


reading  of  a  letter  of  Artaxerxes  [the  first  king  of 
that  name  ruled  from  464  to  424  b.c.]  be  the  cause  of 
stopping  the  building  of  the  temple  till  the  second 
year  of  Darius  (522-485  b.c.;  cf.  Ezra  iv.  6)?  Ezra  iv. 
7-23  must  be  out  of  place  with  what  precedes  and 
what  follows.  Amid  the  confusion,  of  which  this  is 
only  a  conspicuous  example,  we  must  thread  our  way 
as  best  we  can,  and  occasionally  we  must  acknowledge 
the  grave  uncertainty  of  detail  and  order. 

Prophets  and  the  Monuments — ^We  are  materially 
aided  by  the  prophets,  especially  Haggai  and  Zech- 
ariah  i.-viii.,  whose  books  are  definitely  dated,  and 
are  of  indisputable  historical  value.  Persian  and 
Greek  records  give  us  the  larger  international  move¬ 
ments  into  which  the  life  and  letters  of  the  Jews  often 
fit  most  intimately.  In  the  reconstruction  of  the  pic¬ 
ture,  space  often  prevents  giving  reasons  for  the 
assigned  order  of  material  and  events,  and  knowledge 
of  the  difficulties  forbids  any  dogmatism.  Yet  the 
need  for  a  connected  story  urges  the  fullest  and  most 
careful  use  of  all  the  literature  in  the  effort  to  unite 
the  broken  links  in  the  chain  of  history. 

For  the  first  two  decades  of  the  Persian  supremacy 
(539-516  B.c.)  we  are  fortunate  in  having  excellent 
sources  of  information.  Haggai  i.-ii.  and  Zechariah  i.- 
viii.  are  contemporary  prophetic  records.  Ezra  i.-vi., 
when  freed  from  later  revisions,  gives  considerable  in¬ 
formation  of  undisputed  value,  while  the  Persian 
records  for  these  years  are  comparatively  com¬ 
plete. 

The  rise  of  the  Persian  power  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
spectacular.  Her  armies  were  the  best  disciplined  and 
the  most  heroic  in  a  world  of  militarism.  Her  early 
kings  were  among  the  most  commanding  figures  of 
history.  Their  policy  towards  conquered  peoples  and 
their  gift  of  organization  introduced  an  epoch  into 
national  government.  Their  religious  tolerance  was 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C.  247 

commendable.  Under  such  conditions  the  hopes  of 
Israel  took  on  new  life  and  vigor. 

When  Cyrus  conquered  Babylon  he  devoutly  ack¬ 
nowledged  that  Marduk,  the  king  of  the  Babylonian 
gods,  had  called  him  by  name  and  appointed  him 
to  the  lordship  of  the  whole  land  (cf.  p.  238). 
Nothing  of  further  interest  to  the  Jews  is  known  from 
Persian  history  during  his  reign.  Cambyses  II  (529- 
522  B.C.),  his  son,  succeeded  him.  He  secretly  mur¬ 
dered  Bardys,  his  brother,  whom  he  feared,  and  in 
525  B.C.  led  his  army  into  Egypt.  Remaining  here 
for  three  years,  he  subdued  the  whole  country.  At 
first  his  policy,  like  that  of  his  father,  was  one  of  con¬ 
ciliation,  but  suffering  reverses  in  Upper  Egypt,  owing 
to  famine,  he  gave  way  to  his  temper,  treated  Psamtik, 
the  conquered  Pharaoh,  with  great  indignity,  de¬ 
stroyed  many  of  the  temples,  and  even  slew  Apis,  the 
sacred  bull,  with  his  own  hand.  Report  came  to  him 
in  522  B.C.,  in  the  midst  of  his  outrages,  that  Gau- 
mates,  a  Median,  posed  as  the  murdered  Bardys,  and 
had  seized  the  Persian  throne.  On  the  way  back  to 
Persia,  in  despair  at  the  dilemma  he  faced,  he  came  to 
his  death,  apparently  by  suicide.  Gaumates  was  slain 
after  a  usurpation  of  seven  months,  and  Darius  I 
(522-486  B.C.),  of  royal  blood,  was  placed  on  the 
throne  by  the  princes. 

The  new  empire  seemed  now  about  to  crumble  to 
the  dust.  Darius,  in  his  Behistun  inscription,  cut  in 
the  face  of  the  rock  of  the  Baghistana  Mountains  and 
still  perfectly  preserved,  named  nine  usurpers  who 
assumed  authority  in  various  parts  of  his  wide  do¬ 
minion.  In  nineteen  great  battles  he  quelled  all  these 
insurrections  in  less  than  seven  years.  These  were 
the  days  when  Haggai  (520  b.c.)  and  Zechariah  (520- 
518  B.c.)  stirred  up  the  people  to  rebuild  the  temple 
and  prepare  for  the  long  promised  kingdom.  Zerub- 
babel,  a  young  prince  of  the  Davidic  line,  was  governor 


248  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


in  Jerusalem,  and  the  times  seemed  most  auspicious. 
Later  we  shall  follow  their  activity  in  detail. 

When  his  enemies  were  silenced,  Darius  at  once 
faced  the  task  of  consolidating  his  vast  empire.  He 
divided  it  into  twenty  satrapies,  or  provinces,  and  ap¬ 
pointed  over  each  a  competent  satrap,  who  was  im¬ 
mediately  responsible  to  the  throne.  While  he  per¬ 
mitted  them  large  freedom  in  detail  and  method,  he 
definitely  regulated  their  duties.  He  substituted  taxa¬ 
tion  for  pillage  and  blackmail,  greatly  to  the  security 
and  prosperity  of  the  provinces.  He  built  highways, 
developed  a  network  of  waterways,  even  planned  a 
canal  from  the  Nile  to  the  Red  sea,  established  a 
notable  postal  system,  and  marvelously  promoted 
world  commerce. 

In  517  B.c.  he  visited  Egypt,  necessarily  passing 
through  Syria,  and  soothed  the  injured  feelings  of  the 
people  and  the  priests  by  repairing  many  of  the  ruins 
left  by  Cambyses  and  by  personally  providing  a  sacred 
bull.  In  515  B.c.  he  cast  his  eye  towards  Europe, 
bridged  the  Hellespont,  and  sought  to  establish  Per¬ 
sian  rule  in  the  west.  Here  his  ambition  overvaulted 
his  strength.  The  Greeks  burned  his  western  capital, 
and  at  Thermopylae,  in  490  b.c.,  he  received  a  serious 
check.  But  more  serious  still,  in  arousing  the  Greeks, 
he  had  sown  to  the  wind,  and  later  his  son  reaped  the 
whirlwind. 

The  Actual  Return — How  did  these  world  events 
affect  the  captives  in  Babylon  and  the  remnant  in  the 
holy  city?  A  hasty  reading  of  Ezra  i.  2-4  and  ii.  1-69 
seems  to  show  that  a  very  generous  edict  was  passed 
by  Cyrus,  and  that  a  great  host  of  exiles  accepted  the 
privileges  and  returned  to  their  homeland  in  536  b.c. 
But  when  we  carefully  compare  the  terms  of  Ezra  i. 
2-4  with  those  of  Ezra  vi.  3-5,  which  claims  to  be  a 
copy  of  the  original  decree,  their  differences  convince 
us  that  they  cannot  both  be  copies  of  the  same  decree. 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C.  249 

It  is  possible  that  we  have  Jewish  interpretations  of 
the  general  decree  of  Cyrus  when  he  took  the  city 
of  Babylon  (cf.  p.  238).  When  we  consider  his  official 
tolerance  in  matters  of  religion  and  his  consideration 
shown  towards  conquered  nations,  we  need  not  hesitate 
to  accept  an  historic  basis  for  this  document.  That 
those  who  wished  to  return  to  their  own  lands  might 
do  so,  is  reasonably  certain. 

An  entirely  different  question  is,  what  response  did 
the  Jews  make  to  this  privilege?  Many  of  them,  no 
doubt,  were  comfortably  situated.  They  profited 
much  both  by  agriculture  and  by  commerce.  Their 
prosperity  was  greater  than  was  ever  known  by  their 
ancestors  in  Palestine.  Their  social  contacts  were 
more  numerous,  the  prospects  for  their  children 
brighter,  the  opportunities  for  office  and  prestige 
better  in  Babylonia  or  Persia  than  they  could  be  in 
Jerusalem.  They  had  now  been  in  the  land  a  half  a 
century,  and  had  taken  root  in  the  soil.  To  most  of 
them  it  was  home,  while  Judea  was  but  a  memory. 
And  what  a  memory!  Barren  hillsides,  wasted  cities, 
contemptuous,  plundering  neighbors,  and  desolating 
armies  must  have  bulked  larger  to  most  than  the  story 
of  the  prophetic  message  and  the  temple  ritual.  The 
ancient  days  were  not  days  of  prosperity,  and  few 
seemed  to  covet  the  privilege  of  return.  Good  reasons 
why  they  should  not  leave  their  adopted  country 
would  be  easily  found.  Business  connections  could 
not  be  quickly  severed.  Even  religion  could  be  in¬ 
terpreted  in  favor  of  remaining  among  the  Gentiles. 
Did  not  the  ‘‘Servant  Songs’’  declare  that  Yahweh  had 
a  great  missionary  purpose  in  the  captivity?  By  re¬ 
maining  would  they  not  publish  the  salvation  of  their 
God  to  the  ends  of  the  earth?  We  know,  in  fact,  that 
many,  if  not  most,  remained  in  the  land  of  their 
conquerors.  As  late  as  the  eleventh  century  after 
Christ,  a  flourishing,  self-governing  Jewish  colony. 


250  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


with  important  schools  of  religion,  existed  in 
Babylon. 

Our  oldest  record,  in  Aramaic,  tells  that  Shesh- 
bazzar  (perhaps  Shanazzar,  the  son  of  Jehoiakin)  (cf. 
I  Chr.  iii.  18),  was  appointed  governor  of  Judea  by 
Cyrus,  and  was  commissioned  to  carry  back  to  Jerusa¬ 
lem  the  vessels  of  the  temple  (Ezra  v.  14,  15).  This 
corresponds  with  what  we  know  of  Persian  policy. 
Quite  probably  early  in  538  b.c.  he  returned,  accom¬ 
panied  by  a  small  band  of  the  faithful  escorted  by 
the  usual  military  guard.  Sacrifice  would  be  offered 
with  the  customary  ritual  on  the  natural  rock  in  front 
of  the  temple  ruins.  Beyond  that  we  cannot  trace 
their  movements  with  certainty.  These  facts  gave  to 
later  devotees  of  temple  worship  the  opportunity  to 
fill  in  the  details  of  the  picture.  The  enumeration  of 
the  sacred  vessels  (Ezra  i.  5-11),  the  march  of  the 
returning  exiles  (I  Esdras  iv.  47 — v.  6),  the  register 
of  the  faithful  (Ezra  ii.  2-69),  and  the  interruption 
of  the  building  by  adversaries  (Ezra  iv.  1-5),  all  save 
the  register,  were  written  by  the  chronicler  over  two 
hundred  years  after  the  events. 

The  consideration  of  all  the  internal  evidence 
materially  alters  the  picture.  Ezra  ii.  2-69,  again  found 
in  Nehemiah  vii.  6-69  and  I  Esdras  v.  4-46,  is  a  com¬ 
plete  register  of  all  those  who  returned  from  the 
captivity  during  two  centuries  under  such  leaders 
as  Zerubbabel,  Joshua,  Nehemiah,  Ezra,  Mordecai, 
Bigvai,  and  others  (cf.  Neh.  vii.  7).  A  surprising  num¬ 
ber  of  these  names  are  the  same  as  those  who  signed 
the  covenant  in  432  b.c.  (cf.  Neh.  x.  1-27).  A  tribe  of 
the  pure  Persian  name,  Bigvai,  of  over  two  thousand 
persons,  is  at  least  suggestive  of  long  contact  \»fith  that 
nation  (Ezra  ii.  14).  Further,  the  prophets  Haggai 
and  Zechariah  were  not  aware  in  520  b.c.  of  any  im¬ 
portant  number  of  returned  exiles.  They  speak  as 
though  the  work  must  be  begun  at  the  very  founda- 


251 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

tion  (Hag.  ii.  18;  Zech.  iv.  9),  and  must  be  carried 
through  by  ^The  remnant  of  the  people  of  the  land” 
(Hag.  i.  12,  14;  ii.  3,  4;  cf.  Neh.  i.  2).  We  must,  there¬ 
fore,  content  ourselves  with  a  decree  of  Cyrus  grant¬ 
ing  the  Jews  the  privilege  of  return,  with  a  Jewish 
prince  as  governor  of  Jerusalem,  and  with  a  small 
group  of  exiles,  perhaps  the  poorest  of  the  captivity, 
who  returned  to  the  city  that  Yahweh,  their  God, 
had  chosen. 

The  city  itself  was  indeed  a  sorry  spectacle.  The 
walls  were  still  breached.  The  debris  of  the  temple 
and  the  blackened  moss-grown  ruins  of  palaces  still 
preserved  the  memory  of  the  ruthless  Babylonian. 
The  population  was  comparatively  small,  perhaps  less 
than  ten  thousand,  and  was  mongrel.  The  remnant 
left  after  the  captivities  had  intermingled  with 
Samaritan  and  Arabian,  Ammonite  and  Moabite.  An 
absent  singer  could  lament. 

This  is  a  people  robbed  and  plundered, 

They  are  all  snared  in  holes. 

And  hidden  in  prison  houses. 

They  have  become  a  spoil. 

With  none  to  rescue. 

An  object  of  plunder. 

With  none  to  say,  restore. 

(Isa.  xlii.  22.) 

But  this  was  in  comparison  with  her  former  glory. 
These  people  were  not  without  resources.  For  half  a 
century  they  had  had  peace.  In  a  small  way  they  had 
prospered.  Now  some  of  them  lived  in  ceiled  houses, 
and  the  prophet  believed  they  needed  only  to  be 
aroused  to  the  task  in  order  to  accomplish  it. 

Building  the  Second  Temple,  520-516  B.C. — In  520 
B.C.  the  time  was  ripe  for  action.  The  Persian  policy 
of  toleration  towards  all  places  of  religion  surely  stirred 
some  loyal  souls.  A  severe  famine  had  for  a  number 
of  years  impoverished  Judea,  and  calamity  is  oft  the 


252  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


forerunner  of  revival  (Hag.  i.  5-11).  The  insurrec¬ 
tions  in  the  nine  chief  provinces  of  Persia,  which 
threatened  the  rule  of  Darius,  may  have  kindled  na¬ 
tional  hopes  in  many  hearts.  Zerubbabel,  born  in 
captivity,  a  promising  youth  of  the  Davidic  line,  be¬ 
came  the  Persian  governor  of  the  city.  Could  condi¬ 
tions  ever  be  more  favorable  for  an  aggressive  policy? 

Haggai,  perhaps  a  local  layman,  in  August,  520  b.c., 
began  in  most  pointed  language  to  urge  the  rebuild¬ 
ing  of  the  temple  (Hag.  i.  12-15;  cf.  Ezra  v.  2).  Owing 
to  his  directness  and  energy  twenty-three  days  later 
they  set  to  work.  By  rebuke  and  promise  he  continued 
his  oracles  for  three  months.  He  was  sure  the  world 
upheaval,  that  was  in  the  Persian  empire,  would  pave 
the  way  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  promises  of  the 
prophets  (Hag.  ii.  20-22).  He  grew  bold  and  pre¬ 
dicted  that  Zerubbabel,  the  signet  ring  on  the  finger 
of  the  Most  High,  was  chosen  of  Yahweh  to  succeed 
his  grandfather  as  king  of  Judah  (Hag.  ii.  23;  cf.  Jer. 
xxii.  24). 

Zechariah,  of  priestly  family,  a  returned  exile  (cf. 
Zech.  i.  1,  7,  with  Neh.  xii.  4),  began  to  urge  the  same 
task  in  October,  520  b.c.  He  had  no  less  certainty 
of  the  immediate  coming  of  the  kingdom  than  his  con¬ 
temporary,  but  his  expression  was  much  more  pic¬ 
turesque.  Persian  environment  had  molded  his  im¬ 
agery.  His  horsemen  are  those  of  the  royal  post,  his 
court  of  heaven  bears  resemblance  to  the  Persian 
court,  his  angel  messengers  are  adopted  from  the  cur¬ 
rent  theology  of  his  masters,  and  Yahweh  performs 
for  his  people  the  functions  of  a  Persian  monarch. 
With  suggestive  symbolism  he  declares  that  Yahweh 
still  loves  Zion,  and  will  destroy  all  heathen  nations 
(Zech.  i.  7-20).  Jerusalem  will  be  restored  (Zech. 
ii.),  the  religious  and  the  civil  leaders  will  be  purified 
(Zech.  iii.),  and  unitedly  will  support  the  temple  ser¬ 
vice  (Zech.  iv.).  Zerubbabel,  who  laid  the  foundation 


253 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

of  the  temple,  will  also  complete  it  (Zech.  iv.  9).  Sin 
will  be  punished  (Zech  v.  1-4),  and  the  cause  of  sin 
will  be  transported  to  the  land  of  Shinar  (Zech.  v. 
5-11).  Yahweh  will  execute  his  judgment  through¬ 
out  the  world  (Zech.  vi.  1-8),  and  Zerubbabel  will  be 
crowned  (Zech.  vi.  9-15).  The  moral  demands  of 
Yahweh  (Zech.  vii.  1-14)  and  the  assurance  that  he 
will  rescue  his  people  from  all  quarters  of  the  earth 
and  prosper  them,  that  through  them  he  may  be  uni¬ 
versally  worshiped  (Zech.  viii.  1-23),  are  the  closing 
messages  of  Zechariah,  written  in  518  b.c. 

Under  such  inspiration  the  people  worked  with  a 
will.  Indeed,  a  tradition  has  been  preserved  by  the 
chronicler,  that  the  Samaritans  caught  up  by  the 
enthusiasm  offered  their  assistance,  but  were  curtly 
repulsed  by  Zerubbabel  (Ezra  iv.  1-3).  Late  Jewish 
hatred  for  their  neighbors  may  have  added  color  to 
the  facts.  The  Aramaic  document  in  Ezra  had  a  tale 
of  a  different  kind  (Ezra  v.  3 — vi.  16).  Tattenai,  the 
Persian  satrap  of  the  province,  heard  of  the  build¬ 
ing  activity,  questioned  the  elders  concerning  then- 
authority,  and  commanded  work  to  cease  till  a  report 
had  been  received  from  the  king.  In  due  time  Darius 
reported  that  the  copy  of  the  decree  had  been  found, 
and  commanded  the  satrap  to  assist  rather  than  hinder 
the  building  of  the  house  of  God.  While  this  docu¬ 
ment  seems  not  to  have  been  written  for  three-quar¬ 
ters  of  a  century  after  the  event,  and  there  are  some 
serious  anachronisms  in  it  (cf.  v.  5  with  iv.  24  and 
vi.  14  with  the  list  of  Persian  kings),  yet  it  is  quite 
conceivable  that  a  Persian  official  might  have  been 
hostile  to  the  building  of  a  Jewish  temple  under  the 
direction  of  a  prince  of  the  royal  line.  Whatever  the 
difficulties  may  have  been,  work  was  finished  in  March 
of  516  B.c.  A  dedication  service,  followed  by  the  Pass- 
over  celebration,  was  kept  with  great  joy  on  the  part 
of  both  the  returned  and  the  remnant  (Ezra  vi.  16-22). 


254  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


This  was  surely  one  of  the  days  full  of  significance  for 
the  future  of  religion. 

Our  information  concerning  the  structure  of  this 
building  is  not  very  ample.  From  the  literature  of 
later  days  we  can,  however,  gather  some  important 
facts.  Unlike  the  temple  of  Solomon,  it  had  no  brazen 
sea,  no  ark  of  the  covenant,  and  no  pillars  in  front. 
It  was  not  a  royal  temple  as  Solomon’s  had  been;  it 
was  priestly,  and  was  strongly  influenced  by  Ezekiel’s 
vision.  It  had  an  altar  of  incense  which  the  first 
seemed  to  lack.  Like  Ezekiel’s,  it  was  isolated  from 
all  civil  contacts.  No  palace,  no  judgment  hall,  no 
assembly  room,  no  arsenal  lay  near  it.  It  had  two 
courts,  where  the  first  had  one.  The  holy  of  holies 
was  now  separated  from  the  holy  place  by  a  curtain. 
Thus  the  ideal  of  the  prophet,  that  of  the  separation 
of  Yahweh  from  all  that  was  ritualistically  common 
or  unclean,  dominated  many  of  the  features  of  this 
second  temple.  Many  of  the  plans  of  Ezekiel’s  vision, 
however,  could  not  be  followed.  The  twelve  tribes 
were  not  arranged  on  either  side  of  the  city.  The 
temple  was  not  built  outside  of  the  city  limits,  but 
stood  on  the  ancient  site  that  had  been  hallowed  by 
centuries  of  sacred  memories.  The  prince  was  not 
to  be  a  mere  figure-head  as  in  Ezekiel,  but  was  to  be 
coequal  with  the  priest.  The  temple  entrances  were 
not  arranged  so  that  they  could  be  guarded  as  Ezekiel 
proposed,  nevertheless  the  spirit  of  ritual  holiness  per¬ 
vaded  the  whole  scheme. 

The  Messianic  Hope — Apparently  this  little  group, 
stimulated  by  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  was  unanimous. 
They  worked  with  a  will,  and  cherished  a  hope  that 
came  to  them  from  the  past.  The  seventy  years  of 
Jeremiah  were  surely  at  hand  (Zech.  i.  12;  cf.  Jer. 
xxix.  10).  The  Messianic  kingdom  seemed  about  to  be 
initiated.  The  union  of  priest  and  prophet,  of  church 
and  state  was  ready  for  consummation  (Zech.  iv.  2- 


255 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

14;  iii.  1-9).  The  hopes  for  the  prince  of  the  house 
of  David  blazed  out  anew  in  these  intense  days. 
National  life  had  long  been  centered  in  the  only 
dynasty  Judah  ever  knew.  The  calamity  of  the  exile 
added  urgency  and  color  to  the  ideal.  Ezekiel  in  the 
hour  of  the  city’s  ruin  held  out  the  hope  that  Yahweh 
himself  would  shepherd  his  people  (Ezk.  xxxiv.  11- 
16),  but  later  promised  an  ideal  David  as  their  ruler 
(Ezk.  xxxiv.  23-31;  xxxvii.  21-28).  Jeremiah  under 
the  same  strain  predicted  for  the  united  and  righteous 
Israel  a  righteous  sprout,  even  David,  as  king,  who 
should  be  called  Yahweh,  our  righteousness  (Jer. 
xxiii.  3-8). 

But  the  two  most  remarkable  characterizations  of 
the  Messianic  king  are  found  in  Isaiah  ix.  1-7  and  xi. 
1-10.  He  is  the  child  with  the  four  names,  wonderful- 
councilor,  mighty-god,  father  of  eternity,  and  prince 
of  peace.  The  last  one  reminds  us  of  the  Servant 
Songs,  and  the  second  one  of  Ezekiel’s  strange  com¬ 
bination.  In  the  eleventh  chapter  we  again  meet  the 
teacher  of  Isaiah  xlii.  1-6,  and  this  time  he  is  linked 
up  with  the  ^^sprout”  of  Jeremiah.  These  two  great 
poems,  whether  written  before  or  during  these  days, 
as  some  of  the  most  careful  scholars  think  owing  to 
what  they  have  in  common  with  Jeremiah  and 
Ezekiel,  must  have  lightened  the  toil  of  the  builders, 
while  they  quickened  the  noblest  ideals  of  race  and 
religion. 

A  similar  hope  is  beautifully  expressed  in  Micah 
V.  2-9  (cf.  Nah.  i.  12,  13,  15;  ii.  2).  The  village  of 
David  is  to  be  glorified  in  its  descendant.  The  rem¬ 
nant  shall  return,  and  he,  the  ruler,  shall  nurture  them 
in  the  strength  of  Yahweh.  From  very  small  begin¬ 
nings  they  shall  develop  a  great  kingdom  with  power 
to  meet  the  greatest  adversary,  and  they  shall  extend 
their  sway  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  From  520  to  516 
B.C.  a  little  group  in  Jerusalem  was  eagerly  and  expect- 


256  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


antly  toiling  for  the  opening  of  this  Messianic  king¬ 
dom. 

If  we  can  interpret  the  ancient  story  aright,  at  the 
completion  of  the  second  temple  in  516  b.c.,  we  stand 
at  the  point  of  union  of  a  number  of  great  ideals 
which  had  long  and  slowly  been  developing,  and  were 
now  held  in  a  happy  blend  by  a  few  zealous  people. 
Ritual  and  morals  flowed  together  as  part  of  one 
whole.  The  religious  and  the  civil  were  found  in  full 
accord.  The  people  and  the  prince  were  partners  in 
righteousness,  and  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  the 
^^Servant  of  Yahweh,”  even  international  enmity  had 
become  a  thing  of  the  past.  We  may  well  believe  that 
the  historian  was  quite  restrained  when  he  said,  “they 
kept  the  dedication  of  the  house  with  great  joy.” 

But  now  we  ask,  what  next?  And  the  silence  of 
history  has  never  been  more  tantalizing.  We  scan 
the  pages  of  ancient  records  and  of  Scripture  for  an 
answer,  and  none  is  found.  The  conjecture  that  the 
temple  was  destroyed  and  Zerubbabel  slain,  based  on 
an  interpretation  of  an  obscure  verse  from  a  later 
writer,  creates  more  difiiculties  than  it  solves  (Isa. 
Ixiii.  18;  liv.  10).  All  that  we  know  is  that  the  history 
of  the  Jewish  people  for  the  next  seventy  years  is  a 
blank,  and  when  they  again  emerge,  their  condition 
is  more  pitiable  than  ever.  Zerubbabel  passed  from 
the  stage,  and  with  him  the  hope  of  the  Davidic 
house,  and  so  history  decreed  that  even  EzekieFs  con¬ 
sideration  for  the  prince  was  greater  than  could  be 
realized. 

Temple  influence—li  the  light  of  the  Jerusalem 
colony  went  out  in  darkness,  and  a  cloud  hung  over 
the  subsequent  seventy  years,  we  must  not  fail  to 
appreciate  the  part  the  temple  played  in  this  obscure 
period.  In  splendor  it  may  not  have  approached  that 
of  Solomon;  in  function  it  was  the  leaven  that  per¬ 
meated  the  whole  of  Judaism.  Outwardly  there  may 


257 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

have  been  little  that  suggested  vigorous  life,  but  it 
nourished  forces  that  later  dominated  the  religion  of 
many  of  the  nation.  It  became  the  rallying  point  for 
all  the  faithful.  The  annual  festivals  became  increas¬ 
ingly  important  both  to  those  in  the  homeland  and 
to  those  scattered  among  the  kingdoms.  It  kept  alive 
a  sense  of  unity,  and  provided  an  outlet  for  religious 
devotion.  It  was  the  home  of  the  priesthood.  The 
ritual  gradually  was  made  more  impressive.  Details 
were  slowly  worked  out,  and  the  services  were  beauti¬ 
fied.  Priests,  drilled  in  their  duties,  naturally  divided 
the  labors,  and  gradually  divided  into  orders,  higher 
and  lower.  Processionals,  with  varied  vestments, 
swinging  censors,  and  genuflections  developed  apace. 
Calls  to  service,  responses  by  the  ofiicers  or  the  wor¬ 
shipers,  passed  imperceptibly  over  into  chant  and 
song.  It  was  the  seed-bed  of  priest  craft,  and  during 
two  centuries,  through  the  natural  development  of 
home  talent  and  the  influx  of  forms  from  foreign 
climes,  it  flowered  out  into  a  well-ordered,  stately, 
helpful  worship. 

The  Scribe — Alongside  of  the  growing  dignity  and 
usefulness  of  the  priesthood,  went  the  development  of 
the  scribe.  The  temple  became  the  center  of  literary 
activity,  where  all  those  features  that  were  the  chief 
interest  of  the  sacerdotalist  were  carefully  worked 
over.  Men  interested  in  genealogy,  in  religious  cus¬ 
toms  and  institutions,  and  in  the  writings  of  the 
fathers  were,  in  these  dark  days,  carefully  copying, 
elaborating,  and  interpreting.  The  fire  of  true  devo¬ 
tion  to  the  God  of  the  nation  must  have  been  kept 
alive  in  many  hearts  by  the  varied  ministry  of  the 
temple.  Hopes  that  were  shattered  by  the  experiences 
following  516  b.c.  were  thus  quietly  undergoing  re¬ 
construction,  and  in  due  time  would  again  bear  fruit. 
The  scribe,  often  working  in  seclusion,  was  the  inter¬ 
preter  and  chronicler  of  those  hopes. 


258  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


B — The  Fifth  Century  b.c. 

Persian  History,  500-400  B.C. — A  few  facts  in 
Persian  history  need  to  be  noted.  For  a  century  and 
a  half  following  Darius  I,  weak,  base  men  occupied 
the  throne,  and  each  in  his  own  way  contributed  to 
the  downfall  of  his  country.  Xerxes  (486-464  b.c.) 
succeeded  his  father,  but  lacked  the  personality  to 
cope  with  the  tasks  that  awaited  him.  Determined  to 
subdue  Greece,  he  raised  a  great  army  and  marched 
west.  Thermopylse  and  Salamis,  Platsea  and  Mycalse 
tell  the  story  of  broken  fortune  and  shattered  hopes. 
It  is  possible  that  the  Jewish  people  suffered  consider¬ 
ably  during  his  reign.  The  book  of  Esther,  though 
written  much  later,  gives  a  pretty  shrewd  sketch  of 
the  character  of  this  king  under  the  name  Ahasuerus. 
It  may  also  accurately  reflect  the  general  attitude  to¬ 
wards  the  Jews  in  captivity.  Even  in  Palestine  they 
may  have  suffered  petty  persecution  (Ezra  iv.  6). 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  possible  that  the  astound¬ 
ing  victories  of  the  Greeks  may  have  raised  great 
expectations  in  the  hearts  of  hopeful  Israelites.  Did 
weary  eyes  see  in  this  a  presage  of  a  coming  dawn, 
such  as  their  ancestors  saw  in  the  victories  of  Cyrus 
and  the  insurrections  against  Darius? 

Under  Artaxerxes  I  (464-424  b.c.)  Egypt  gained  in 
460  B.c.  a  momentary  freedom,  and  about  the  same 
time  it  seems  that  the  Edomites,  pressed  out  of  their 
ancient  citadel  by  the  Nabataeans,  were  gradually  en¬ 
croaching  on  the  territory  of  Judah  and  thus  intensify¬ 
ing  the  long-standing  racial  hatred.  The  prophetic 
response  to  this  catastrophe,  that  must  have  been  felt 
so  keenly  throughout  Jewry,  may  perhaps  be  pre¬ 
served  in  Malachi,  Isaiah  xxxiv.,  xxxv.,  Ivi.-lxii.,  Ixiii. 
1-6,  and  Obadiah.  It  was  in  the  twentieth  year  of  this 
reign  that  Nehemiah  rebuilt  the  walls  of  Jerusalem, 


259 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

and  in  his  thirty-second  year  again  visited  the  city. 
This  king  was  on  the  whole  a  kind  man,  though  weak. 
He  cared  more  for  his  harem  than  for  his  world  em¬ 
pire,  and  w^as  ruled  by  favorites  rather  than  by 
statesmen. 

Xerxes  II,  his  successor,  who  was  murdered  inside 
of  two  months,  was  succeeded  by  Darius  II  (424-404 
B.C.),  who  in  turn  left  his  throne  to  Artaxerxes  II 
(404-358  B.C.).  These  were  days  when  the  provinces 
were  left  largely  to  themselves,  particularly  in  the 
reign  of  the  mild  and  easy-going  Artaxerxes.  It  seems 
must  plausible  that  it  was  in  this  reign  that  Ezra  intro¬ 
duced  his  reforms  into  Jerusalem. 

Nehemiah  precedes  Ezra — From  516  b.c.  on  till  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century  b.c.  all  is  silent  concerning 
the  movements  of  the  Jews.  The  building  of  the 
temple  seems  to  have  been  only  an  episode.  No  king¬ 
dom  had  been  established.  What  tragedies  occurred, 
what  hopes  were  blasted,  we  do  not  know.  But  in 
the  middle  of  the  Persian  period  we  are  again  able  to 
follow  the  pathway  of  history.  The  memoirs  of 
Nehemiah  (cf.  p.  245)  are  contemporary  sources 
quoted  almost  verbatim,  and  the  rest  of  the  Ezra- 
Nehemiah  book  has  an  historical  basis.  The  chron¬ 
ological  arrangement,  however,  gives  us  a  real  diffi¬ 
culty.  For  centur’.ps  very  naturally,  Ezra  was  dated 
in  the  seventh  yeai  of  Artaxerxes  I,  and  thus  was  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  arrived  in  Jerusalem  in  458  b.c.,  about 
fourteen  years  before  Nehemiah.  But  it  seems  strange 
that  Nehemiah  in  all  his  activity  did  not  come  into 
contact  with  Ezra.  In  his  memoirs  there  is  no  men¬ 
tion  of  his  fellow  kinsman.  Further,  when  we  note 
that  the  wall  is  already  built  when  Ezra  appears 
(Ezra  ix.  9) ;  that  Eliashib  was  high  priest  in  the  time 
of  Nehemiah,  but  his  grandson,  Jehonahan,  was  an 
important  temple-officer,  perhaps  high  priest,  in  the 
time  of  Ezra  (Neh.  xiii.  4:  cf.  Ezra  x.  6:  Neh.  xii.  23, 


260  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


11,  12);  that  Jehonahan  was  actually  high  priest  in 
411  B.C.,  according  to  the  Assuan  papyri  (cf.  G.  A. 
Smith,  Jerus.  ii.  360) ;  that  Nehemiah  organized  the 
treasury  and  appointed  four  treasurers  (Neh.  xiii.  13), 
while  Ezra  found  four  treasurers  ready  to  receive  his 
gifts  (Ezra  viii.  33),  we  become  suspicious  of  the 
theory  that  makes  Ezra  precede  Nehemiah.  It  further 
looks  very  strange  that  the  same  Persian  king  should 
send  two  missions  to  Jerusalem,  for  much  the  same 
purpose,  at  practically  the  same  time,  with  much  the 
same  authority.  It  seems  much  more  consistent  with 
all  the  facts  of  the  case  to  place  Ezra  later  than  Nehe¬ 
miah,  perhaps  even  as  late  as  the  seventh  year  of 
Artaxerxes  II,  that  is,  in  398  b.c.  Thus  he  came  more 
than  thirty  years  after  the  last  recorded  visit  of  Nehe¬ 
miah,  and  this  suits  the  conditions  suggested  in  all 
our  documents.  It  is  true  that  we  find  the  names  of 
these  two  leaders  placed  side  by  side  in  a  number  of 
lists,  but  these  all  come  from  the  pen  of  the  chronicler, 
whose  knowledge  of  chronological  detail,  as  we  have 
seen,  does  not  make  him  an  infallible  witness  (Neh. 
viii.  9;  x.  1). 

Nehemiah' s  Activity — Nehemiah,  a  layman,  who  had 
attained  high  honors  in  the  Persian  court  at  Susa, 
learning  of  the  misfortune  of  his  people  in  Jerusalem, 
gained  permission  from  Artaxerxes  in  444  b.c.  to  make 
a  brief  visit  to  the  city  of  his  father’s  sepulcher,  and 
to  rebuild  the  walls  (Neh.  i.  1-16).  He  came  to 
the  city  with  a  military  guard,  made  a  careful  inspec¬ 
tion  of  the  walls,  called  a  council,  showed  his  authority, 
and  proceeded  to  organize  the  inhabitants  and  set 
them  to  the  task  of  building  (Neh.  i.  17-20).  The 
non-Jewish  population  of  the  neighborhood.  Am¬ 
monites,  Arabians,  Ashdodoties,  and  Samaritans  of 
whom  Sanballat  was  governor,  jeered  at  the  workmen, 
then  objected,  and  then  plotted  to  stop  the  work  (Neh. 
iv.  1-23).  Difficulties  arose  within  the  city.  The 


261 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

poor  had  in  some  cases,  because  of  necessity,  mort¬ 
gaged  land  and  children  (Neh.  v.  1-13).  A  council 
was  called,  and  Nehemiah  by  his  appeal  and  his  ex¬ 
ample  succeeded  in  persuading  the  rich  to  forego 
usury  and  even  to  cancel  the  debts  of  the  poor  (Neh. 
V.  6-13).  The  adversaries  continued  their  opposition 
throughout.  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  tried  to  stimulate 
a  faction  of  the  Jewish  nobility  and  put  Nehemiah 
in  fear  (Neh.  vi.  17-19).  Sanballat  invited  Nehemiah 
to  meet  in  council  in  one  of  the  villages,  but  after  four 
such  invitations  had  been  refused,  the  schemer  sent 
him  an  open  letter  accusing  him  of  conspiracy  (Neh. 
vi.  1-10).  It  is  possible  that  Ezra  iv.  8-23,  which  in¬ 
dicates  that  the  Samaritans  wrote  a  letter  to  Artax- 
erxes,  stating  that  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  had  been 
rebuilt,  and  appealing  to  him  to  put  an  end  to  the 
rebuilding  of  the  city,  may  refer  to  some  of  the  diffi¬ 
culties  that  were  faced  by  Nehemiah.  The  walls,  how¬ 
ever,  were  completed  in  fifty-two  days  (Neh.  vi.  15) ; 
the  gates  were  set  up  later  (Neh.  vii.  1-4) ;  the  city 
was  officered,  and  guards  appointed  (Neh.  vii.  2-A) ; 
and  the  dedication  ceremony  was  carried  through  in 
due  form  (Neh.  xii.  27-43). 

How  long  Nehemiah  remained  on  his  first  visit  is 
not  certain.  Nehemiah  vi.  14,  which  considers  him 
resident  governor  for  twelve  years,  is  scarcely  in  accord 
with  other  passages  (cf.  Neh.  vii.  2;  xiii.  6;  ii.  6). 
However,  in  432  b.c.  he  again  visited  the  city  and 
found  conditions  very  unsatisfactory  (Neh.  xiii.  4-22). 
He  drove  Tobiah  out  of  the  temple-chamber,  ordered 
adequate  provision  for  the  Levites,  appointed  treas¬ 
urers,  and  demanded  that  there  should  be  due  observ¬ 
ance  of  the  sabbath.  He  made  a  violent  attack  on 
some  of  the  pro-foreign  element,  slapped  their  faces, 
pulled  their  hair,  and  made  them  take  an  oath  against 
foreign  intermarriages  (Neh.  xiii.  23-30). 

Nehemiah  was  one  of  the  great  religious  patriots 


262  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  Judaism.  He  faced  a  situation  well-nigh  impossi¬ 
ble.  None  but  the  most  resolute  and  self-sacrificing 
would  have  dared  attempt  it,  and  only  the  strongest 
could  have  carried  it  through.  He  rallied  the  energies 
of  a  weak  and  helpless  folk,  and  put  them  to  work  at 
a  serious  task.  He  stirred  up  the  spirit  of  brotherhood, 
and  the  usurer  gave  up  his  gains.  He  appealed  to 
the  sanctions  of  religion,  and  the  merchants  closed 
down  on  sabbath  commerce.  He  found  the  foreigner 
a  source  of  weakness  to  his  people,  read  them  the  riot 
act,  and  cleansed  the  city  of  their  influence.  For 
centuries  he  was  the  only  representative  of  this  period 
to  enter  the  hall  of  fame  of  Judaism.  Ben  Sirach 
(xlix.  11-13)  and  II  Maccabees  (i.  18-23)  alike  crown 
him  and  alike  fail  to  mention  the  name  of  Ezra. 

Ezra — The  achievements  of  Ezra  the  scribe,  pre¬ 
served  and  interpreted  by  the  priestly  school,  lost 
nothing  of  glamour  or  ecclesiastical  character  by  the 
process.  Beyond  that,  later  tradition  made  him  re¬ 
sponsible  for  much  activity  that  was  the  result  of  the 
slow  process  of  history,  and  in  fact  wove  much  of 
legendary  character  around  his  name.  That  he  was 
idealized  must  be  admitted,  but  that  he  had  part  in  a 
definite  scribal  and  ritualistic  movement  need  not  here 
be  doubted. 

He  came  from  Babylon  perhaps  about  398  b.c.  He 
was  the  leader  of  a  group  of  similarly-minded  men, 
provided  with  the  necessary  passports,  and  bearing 
gifts  to  the  temple  (Ezra  vii.  1 — viii.  36).  The  statis¬ 
tics  of  the  chronicler  are  quite  characteristic  and 
must  be  used  with  caution. 

Some  time  later  he  had  the  privilege  of  reading 
the  law  book  to  an  assembly  in  Jerusalem  while  inter¬ 
preters  made  plain  the  meaning  (Neh.  vii.  73 — viii.  8). 
On  the  second  day  they  found  the  command  to  keep 
the  feast  of  booths,  and  as  it  was  the  seventh  month 
they  straightway  observed  it  (Neh.  viii.  13-18).  For 


263 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

seven  days,  day  by  day,  they  read  the  law  and  kept 
the  feast,  followed  on  the  eighth  day  by  a  solemn 
assembly. 

At  another  time,  likely  later,  he  was  informed  that 
the  priests,  Levites,  and  princes  had  freely  inter¬ 
married  with  foreigners  (Ezra  ix.  1-2).  In  great  dis¬ 
tress  he  rent  his  mantle,  tore  his  hair,  and  confessed 
the  sins  of  his  people  (Ezra  ix.  3-15).  The  people 
consented  to  a  divorce  court,  which  after  sitting  two 
months  found  that  113,  of  whom  four  were  priests,  six 
were  Levites,  and  four  were  singers  and  porters,  were 
guilty  (Ezra  x.  18-44).  A  public  fast  was  proclaimed, 
the  guilty  parties  put  away  their  wives  and  families, 
confessed  their  sins,  and  all  entered  into  a  covenant  not 
to  marry  foreigners,  to  observe  the  sabbath,  and  the 
sabbatical  year,  to  pay  the  temple  poll-tax  of  one- 
third  of  a  shekel,  to  supply  the  wood  for  the  sacrifices, 
and  to  pay  the  tithe  (Neh.  x.  28-39). 

The  Law  Book — The  exact  bound  of  Ezra’s  law  book 
is  not  clear.  The  reforms  mentioned  can  in  part  be 
found  in  D.  or  in  P.  The  poll-tax  of  one-third  shekel 
and  the  requirement  of  the  wood  offering  are  found 
nowhere  in  the  Pentateuch.  The  poll-tax  mentioned 
in  Exodus  xxx.  11-16  is  one-half  shekel.  But  the 
general  spirit  of  the  law  was  ritualistic,  and  perhaps 
we  are  not  justified  in  saying  more  than  that  it  was 
the  continuation  of  the  ideal  and  the  spirit  of  Ezekiel 
and  H.  C.  It  conceived  that  the  favor  of  a  holy  God 
could  not  be  gained  apart  from  separation  from  all 
that  defiled.  Punctilious  observance  of  ceremonial 
law  was  the  pathway  of  life.  With  this  covenant  we 
are  on  the  trail  to  full-fledged  pharisaism  which  prided 
itself  in  its  legalism.  The  nation  was  fast  becoming 
a  church,  and  boasted  in  its  exclusiveness.  The  prince 
was  no  longer  necessary;  now  the  priest  alone  should 
rule. 

Contemporary  Literature — Contemporary  writers 


264  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


seem  to  have  been  numerous.  The  priestly  influence 
was  very  strong,  but  a  body  of  literature  that  may 
well  be  called  prophetic  bears  the  impress  of  these 
days.  Malachi,  Isaiah  xxxiv.,  xxxv.,  Ivi.-lxiii.  6;  ii.  2- 
4;  Mic.  iv.  1-5;  vii.  7-20,  and  Obadiah  minister  to  just 
such  a  period  as  we  know  the  beginning  of  the  later 
half  of  the  fifth  century  to  have  been,  better  than  to 
any  other  time. 

Edom  figures  in  each  of  these  sections,  and  in  gen¬ 
eral  the  attitude  towards  her  is  the  same.  Though 
she  was  the  closest  of  kin  to  Israel,  there  had  always 
been  the  deepest  enmity  between  the  two  nations. 
During  the  early  history  Israel  had  held  Edom  in 
subjection,  and  her  treatment  of  her  was  anything  but 
generous.  With  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.c. 
the  tables  were  turned.  Edomites  were  in  the  be¬ 
sieging  army,  and  they  gloated  over  the  fall  of  their 
old  oppressor.  Now,  when  the  Nabatsean  is  driving 
her  out  of  her  rocky  fortresses,  it  was  Israel’s  turn  to 
raise  the  taunt  song.  Malachi  in  his  Socratic  way 
announced  that  Edom  was  beaten  down  and  that 
Jehovah  had  indignation  against  her  forever  (Mai.  i. 
2-5).  Obadiah  cried  out  against  the  same  enemy. 
‘'Behold  I  have  made  thee  small  among  the  nations, 
thou  art  greatly  despised  ...  for  the  violence  done 
to  thy  brother  Jacob  .  .  .  thou  shalt  be  cast  off  for¬ 
ever”  (Ob.  i.  1-14,  15b). 

In  a  singularly  striking  poem  arranged  antiphonally 
another  writer  published  the  doom  of  this  people. 
Jehovah  is  a  warrior,  who  single-handed  had  gone  to 
the  fray  and  trampled  into  the  dust  the  ancient  enemy 
(Isa.  Ixiii.  1-6).  Edom,  perhaps,  became  a  symbol  for 
the  nations,  and  the  glimpse  of  apocalypticism  that  is 
found  in  Isaiah  lix.  16-21  and  in  Isaiah  xxxiv.  but 
broadens  out  the  above  theme.  We  cannot  read  these 
passages  without  feeling  their  kinship.  Their  pas¬ 
sionate  hatred  to  Edom  is  overflowing.  The  pressure 


265 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

of  the  enemy  on  the  south  of  Judah,  raiding  and  pil¬ 
laging,  taunting  and  acting  in  a  high-handed  manner 
because  of  their  superior  brute  force,  is  the  explanation 
of  these  outbursts.  But  the  Nabatsean  was  on  their 
trail,  and  these  writers  are  confident  that  Yahweh,  the 
God  of  righteousness,  cannot  tolerate  the  continued 
prosperity  of  such  a  people.  He  will  hurl  them  back 
and  will  cause  his  people  Israel  to  dwell  in  safety. 

Jerusalem:  Her  Inner  Life — The  picture  of  the 
social  and  religious  life  of  Jerusalem  found  in  the 
above  sections  is  in  keeping  with  that  which  we  know 
to  have  existed  in  the  fifth  century  b.c.  The  temple 
had  been  built  (Isa.  Ivi.  7;  lx.  7;  Ixii.  9;  Mai.  iii.  10), 
but  the  walls  were  breached  (Isa.  Iviii.  12;  lx.  10;  Ixi. 
4).  Jerusalem  was  in  mourning  and  desolate  (Isa.  lix. 
20;  lx.  15;  Ixi.  3;  Ixii.  4) ;  the  villages  were  waste  and 
the  people  were  dispersed  (Isa.  Ivi.  8;  lix.  19;  Ixi. 
7).  Many  were  quite  indifferent  to  religious  matters, 
some  were  idolatrous  (Isa.  Ivii.  3-13),  and  others  were 
skeptical  (Mai.  i.  7;  ii.  17,  iii.  14-15).  Even  the 
priests  were  negligent  in  their  duties  (Isa.  Ivi.  10-12; 
Mai.  i.  6,  13;  ii.  8,  9).  Ritual  was  carelessly  performed 
(Mai.  i.  7,  14),  the  tithe  was  neglected  (Mai.  iii.  8-10), 
and  shameful  practices  were  common  (Isa.  Ivii.  3-10). 
Intermarriage  with  foreigners  was  altogether  too 
prevalent,  and,  more  shameful  still,  Jewish  wives  were 
divorced  in  order  that  foreigners  might  be  married 
(Mai.  ii.  10-16).  Morally  the  corruption  was  great 
(Isa.  Ivii.  1,  2;  Iviii.  1-4;  lix.  2-15).  The  widows  and 
the  poor  were  oppressed  (Mai.  hi.  5),  and  the  foreigner 
was  by  some  held  in  high  esteem  (Isa.  Ivi.  3-8). 
Israel,  scattered  abroad  without  the  privilege  of  tem¬ 
ple  worship,  was  often  more  acceptable  to  Yahweh 
than  those  who  were  living  in  Jerusalem  (Mai.  i.  11; 
Isa.  lix.  19).  Two  classes  existed  at  home,  the  right¬ 
eous  and  the  wicked,  and  the  line  of  cleavage  was 
found  both  in  morals  and  ritual  (Isa.  Ivii.  1,  3-13; 


266  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Mai.  iii.  18;  iv.  1-3).  Yet  the  hope  of  the  community 
which  was  emphasized  most,  lay  in  the  strict  adher¬ 
ence  to  the  observation  of  ritual,  the  sabbath,  and  the 
tithes  (Isa.  Ivi.  2,  6,  7;  Iviii,  2;  lx.  7;  Ixi.  1-3,  6;  Iviii. 
9-14;  lix.  2-4;  Mai.  iii.  10).  The  ethical  require¬ 
ments,  though  frequently  referred  to,  did  not  hold  the 
prominent  place  they  had  in  earlier  prophecy  (Mai. 

iii.  5;  Isa.  Ivi.  1;  Iviii.  6-11;  Ivii.  17;  lix.  ^8). 

Messianic  Hope — Sombre  as  the  picture  is,  there 

was  a  heartening  side  to  it.  In  the  city  there  was  a 
little  band  of  the  faithful,  who  loved  Yahweh,  com- 
panied  together,  prayed  and  planned  together,  to¬ 
gether  read  the  signs  of  the  times,  and  believed  that 
Yahweh  would  purge  the  nation  and  thus  deliver  it 
(Mai.  iii.  10;  cf.  Isa.  xxxiv.  16,  17;  Ob.  i.  17,  19-21). 

This  confidence  took  on  various  forms.  Elijah  is 
going  to  return  and  turn  the  hearts  of  the  fathers  to 
the  children  (Mai.  iv.  5,  6);  or  the  messenger  of 
Yahweh  will  comfort  the  nation  by  exercising  his 
teaching  function  (Isa.  Ixi.  1-3;  Mic.  iv.  1-3);  or 
Yahweh  himself,  clothed  in  the  mail  of  a  warrior,  will 
take  vengeance  on  all  the  enemies  of  Israel  (Isa.  lix. 
16-20),  and  his  name  will  be  feared  from  the  east  to 
the  west  (Isa.  lx.  2,  16-20;  Mic.  iv.  1-3).  Jerusalem, 
the  bride  of  Yahweh  (Isa.  Ixii.  4-5;  Ixi.  10,  11),  will  be 
gloriously  established  (Isa.  lx.  10-22;  Ixii.  1-5;  Mic. 

iv.  1-2);  the  exiles  will  return  laden  with  treasure, 
and  will  be  borne  by  their  previous  masters  (Isa.  lix. 
1;  lx.  4;  Ixi.  1,  4-7;  Ixii.  10-12);  obstacles  will  be  re¬ 
moved  (Isa.  XXXV.,  Ixii.  10) ;  and  all  nations  will  flow 
to  the  house  of  Yahweh  (Isa.  lx.  10-15;  Mic.  iv. 
1-3). 

Two  viewpoints  regarding  the  nations  emerge  in 
this  literature.  One  is  that  of  the  stricter  school,  by 
which  the  heathen  are  banned  from  all  worship,  and 
are  doomed  to  be  the  hewers  of  wood  and  the  drawers 
of  water  for  Israel  (Isa.  lx.  10-14;  Ixi.  4-7;  Mic.  vii. 


267 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

15-17).  The  other  ideal  is  that  the  nations  may  have 
all  the  privileges,  civil  and  religious,  that  belong  to 
Israel,  if  they  are  but  obedient  (Isa.  Ivi.  1-8;  Mic. 
iv.  2-3). 

In  all  this  literature  we  miss  the  figure  of  a  Mes¬ 
sianic  king.  We  have  the  ideal  of  a  teacher  and  of 
a  conquering  Yahweh,  but  there  is  no  Cyrus  or 
Zerubbabel  on  the  horizon.  That  hope  seems  to  have 
perished  during  the  previous  century.  In  its  place  is 
a  community,  a  holy  people,  a  nation  of  priests  who 
cherish  the  word  of  Yahweh  which  was  in  written 
form  (Isa.  xxxiv.  16;  lix.  21;  Mic.  iv.  2),  and  whose 
hope  is  in  the  covenant  (Isa.  Ivi.  6).  Their  trust  seems 
now  to  be  less  in  the  material  and  the  national,  and 
more  in  those  influences  that  touch  the  mind  and 
heart,  and  in  the  Holy  One  of  Israel. 


C — The  Closing  Decades  of  Persian  Supremacy 

400-332  B.C. 

Historical  Background — The  fourth  century  wit¬ 
nessed  very  little  change  in  the  external  conditions 
of  the  Jews.  Their  life  in  Jerusalem  must  have  been 
dull  and  drab.  Always  paying  tribute,  never  populous 
or  affluent,  the  shades  were  sometimes  darker,  some¬ 
times  lighter.  In  the  early  decades  of  the  century 
they  may  have  gained  possession  of  a  number  of  out¬ 
lying  villages  and  thus  have  widened  their  borders 
(Neh.  xi.  25-35;  cf.  Neh.  iii.). 

To  this  time  also  belongs  the  Samaritan  schism. 
The  drastic  divorce  regulations  of  Ezra  no  doubt  added 
fuel  to  the  long  standing  feud  which  had  been  intensi¬ 
fied  by  Nehemiah.  Josephus  gives  a  story  of  the  final 
rupture  which  has  the  marks  of  trustworthiness.  He 
states  that  the  elders  at  Jerusalem  demanded  that  a 
certain  priest,  Manasseh,  who  had  married  a  daughter 


268  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  Sanballat,  should  either  divorce  her  or  give  up  his 
priestly  privileges  (cf.  Neh.  xiii.  28).  His  father-in- 
law  encouraged  him  to  resist  and  promised  him  a 
temple  in  Gerazim.  Manasseh,  thereupon,  with  a  num¬ 
ber  of  priests  and  Levites  who  had  in  like  manner 
sinned  withdrew  to  Samaria,  and  later  Alexander  the 
Great,  after  his  conquest  of  Persia  in  331  b.c.,  granted 
them  the  privilege  of  building  the  required  temple. 
It  was  erected,  and  worship  similar  to  that  in  Jerusa¬ 
lem  was  instituted  (Jos.  Ant.  xii.,  i.  1).  The  Samaritan 
Bible  is  essentially  the  same  as  the  Hebrew  Penta¬ 
teuch.  The  evidence  indicates  that  while  there  was  a 
prolonged  antagonism  between  the  two  cities  (cf.  Isa. 
Ixv.  11;  Ixvi.  1-5),  they  had  much  in  common  re¬ 
ligiously  till  after  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century, 
and  that  probably  the  final  break  did  not  take  place 
till  late  in  the  Persian  period.  The  intense  hatred  of 
the  chronicler  about  300  b.c.  towards  the  Samaritans 
would  lead  us  to  conclude  that  the  rupture  was  then 
complete,  but  perhaps  of  recent  date  (II  Ch.  xxv. 
7-13). 

The  later  years  of  Persian  rule  must  have  been  un¬ 
favorable  to  the  Jews.  Artaxerxes  II  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Artaxerxes  III  (358-338  b.c.),  a  man  of  en¬ 
tirely  different  mold.  He  was  a  despot,  merciless  and 
cruel.  Egypt,  along  with  the  Phoenician  states,  re¬ 
volted  in  353  B.C.,  and  the  Persian  army  proceeded  to 
break  the  rebellion.  Her  armies  were  in  the  country 
for  ten  years,  during  which  time  Egypt  was  subdued 
and  severely  punished.  The  Jews  may  have  been 
party  to  the  revolt,  for  many  of  them  were  deported  to 
Hyrcania  and  Babylonia.  According  to  Josephus, 
Bagoas,  the  Persian  general,  enraged  because  Johanan 
had  murdered  his  own  brother  in  the  temple,  defiled 
the  temple,  and  placed  a  heavy  tax  on  the  daily  sacri¬ 
fice  for  ten  years  (Jos.  Ant.  xi.  7).  During  the  closing 
years  of  the  Persian  supremacy  the  Jews  seem  to  have 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C.  269 

had  every  reason  to  welcome  a  change  of  sovereign 
power. 

Literature  from  4OO  to  330  B .C .—During  the  last 
seventy  years  of  Persian  rule  there  were  at  work  in 
Judaism  a  number  of  well-defined  religious  ideals,  each 
of  which  gained  its  adherents  and  made  its  contribu¬ 
tion  to  the  life  of  the  little  community  and  to  the 
world.  The  legal,  the  protestant,  the  liturgic,  the 
philosophic,  and  the  apocalyptic  were  all  in  evidence. 

Legalism — Legalism  is  not  an  inappropriate  term 
for  that  movement  of  which  Ezra  became  the  head. 
With  definite  origins  in  621  and  572  b.c.,  its  develop¬ 
ment  continued  long  after  the  close  of  the  canon.  The 
fourth  century,  however,  marked  the  flood  tide  of  its 
activity.  The  covenant  on  the  part  of  the  community 
to  observe  the  law  called  for  many  interpreters,  stimu¬ 
lated  the  leaders  to  renewed  effort,  and  added  recruits 
to  the  propaganda. 

The  law  itself  was  collected  and  elaborated.  It  is 
likely  that  shortly  after  400  b.c.,  what  is  known  as  the 
P.  code,  that  mass  of  ceremonial  detail  scattered 
throughout  Exodus,  Leviticus,  and  Numbers,  was  in 
essentially  its  present  form.  Writers  of  ecclesiastical 
history,  saturated  in  the  priestly  outlook,  must  have 
soon  appeared.  The  early  national  history  found  in 
JED.  had  for  two  centuries  been  the  property  of  the  re¬ 
ligious  leaders,  and  must  have  been  widely  known.  To 
all  who  knew  it,  it  must  have  been  a  sacred  oracle. 
P.,  the  new  code,  parallel  to  it  in  some  of  the  laws  and 
more  advanced  in  others,  though  covenanted  to  by 
the  people,  could  never  displace  the  older  law  and  his¬ 
tory  in  the  affection  of  the  community.  At  best  it 
might  lie  side  by  side  with  it.  But  there  were  differ¬ 
ences,  sometimes  most  marked,  between  the  two.  Shall 
they  lie  side  by  side  and  thus  ultimately  develop  two 
schools  antagonistic  one  to  the  other?  Or  can  they 
be  blended  into  a  more  or  less  harmonious  whole?  Of 


270  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


course  JED.  had  not  given  all  the  facts  of  history,  or 
of  institutions,  and  its  general  conclusions  did  not 
quite  satisfy  this  new  school.  To  keep  the  sabbath, 
to  pay  the  tithe,  to  observe  the  feasts,  to  offer  the 
daily  sacrifice,  to  remain  separate  from  the  heathen,  in 
a  word  to  perform  the  works  of  the  law,  this  was 
essential  to  national  prosperity.  History  had  proved 
that,  to  the  priests,  if  it  had  proved  anything.  JED. 
was  far  from  definite  on  some  of  these  points.  Hence, 
for  the  admonition  of  all  future  generations  the  priests 
conceived  that  history  must  be  rewritten.  But  much 
of  the  early  and  important  material  was  already  in 
JED.  Thus  there  was  in  reality  only  one  method  for 
the  new  historians  to  adopt.  JED.  must  be  incorpo¬ 
rated  in  P.  Genealogical  tables,  statistical  enumera¬ 
tions,  stories  of  ancient  religious  institutions,  together 
with  many  ancient  traditions,  and  a  mass  of  time- 
honored  priestly  custom  were  all  in  the  possession  of 
the  priestly  writers.  With  their  genealogical  and 
statistical  tables  as  a  framework,  and  their  ritualistic 
ideal  as  their  philosophy  of  history  they  used  the  JED. 
compilation  almost  in  its  entirety,  and  reworked  the 
whole  into  our  present  Hexateuch.  No  doubt  it  was  a 
long  and  slow  process,  which  occupied  many  minds 
and  passed  through  more  than  one  edition,  each  time 
receiving  some  added  material  or  interpretation  which 
brought  the  whole  into  more  perfect  conformity  with 
the  religious  principles  of  the  editors.  While  we  can¬ 
not  name  these  laborers  and  hence  must  use  some 
symbol  such  as  P.,  their  achievement  was  not  there¬ 
fore  less  important,  nor  do  we  honor  the  results  less 
because  the  authors  are  unknown. 

The  intense  religious  influence  of  this  school  cannot 
here  be  detailed,  but  one  illustration  may  suffice  as  a 
symbol  of  their  reforming  zeal.  The  descendants  of 
those  who  in  the  days  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  were 
so  lax  about  keeping  the  sabbath,  in  321  b.c.  suffered 


271 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

the  capture  of  the  holy  city  and  wholesale  slaughter, 
rather  than  violate  the  letter  of  the  law.  The  com¬ 
pleted  Hexateuch  stands  as  their  monument.  From 
them  it  received  its  present  form  and  unity.  By  them 
it  was  canonized,  and  by  their  influence  it  became  the 
“Holy  of  Holies’’  to  later  generations. 

The  Scribe — The  scribe  was  the  product,  and  in 
turn  the  propagandist,  of  this  ideal.  His  work  was  of 
the  greatest  importance.  He  had  a  book,  and  that  book 
was  the  word  of  God.  His  duties  were  to  transcribe, 
to  teach,  and  to  interpret  the  law.  Through  him 
prophecy  seemed  to  be  unnecessary,  and  by  him 
anonymity  became  the  rule.  The  selection,  as  well  as 
the  preservation  of  the  canon  was  in  his  hands.  If 
his  arrangement  of  sections,  his  historical  notes,  and 
suggested  authorship,  as  well  as  his  interpretations 
and  interpolations  sometimes  perplex  the  most  com¬ 
petent  student,  the  wealth  of  invaluable  historical  and 
religious  material  that  he  gathered  and  preserved 
through  the  most  trying  national  crises  places  all  the 
world  forever  in  his  debt. 

The  Liberal  Reaction — A  propaganda  so  vigorous, 
and  we  might  say  so  radical,  as  that  of  legalism  could 
scarcely  fail  to  arouse  antagonism.  Loyal  Jews,  who 
had  no  personal  ends  to  serve  as  had  the  Samaritans, 
may  also  have  looked  askance  at  this  thoroughgoing 
regime.  It  was  true  the  reformers  invoked  the  evi¬ 
dence  of  history,  but  the  ancient  past  had  also  other 
voices.  The  exclusive  attitude  had  not  always  been 
the  law  of  Israel.  The  delightful  story  of  Ruth,  the 
Moabitess,  came  to  the  minds  of  the  more  tolerant,  and 
some  one  gave  it  its  present  literary  form  about  this 
time.  It  was  excellent  counter-propaganda.  No  more 
winsome  character  was  known  to  Israel,  and  yet  this 
woman  of  alien  blood  was  the  great-grandmother  of 
David.  This  provided  strong  argument  against  the 
decree  of  Ezra.  Others  no  doubt  remembered  the 


272  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


wide  sympathies  of  prophets  such  as  Amos,  who  de¬ 
clared  that  the  Ethiopian,  the  Philistine,  and  the 
Syrian  were  to  Yahweh  as  were  the  children  of  Israel 
(Amos  ix.  7-8).  The  missionary  spirit  of  the  ‘^Ser¬ 
vant  Songs”  would  hardly  coincide  with  this  intoler¬ 
ance.  A  writer  already  mentioned  comforted  some 
who  were  disturbed  by  this  puritanism  by  assuring 
them  that  eunuchs  might  obtain  a  memorial  in  the 
temple,  and  foreigners  might  minister  to  Yahweh,  if 
they  kept  the  sabbath  and  held  fast  the  covenant,  for 
^^my  house  shall  be  called  a  house  of  prayer  for  all 
peoples”  (Isa.  Ivi.  3-8). 

Jonah — At  a  later  date  the  book  of  Jonah  helped 
to  stem  the  same  tide,  and  may  have  been  a  piece  of 
real  missionary  propaganda.  The  message  of  the  book 
is  that  found  in  the  last  verses,  and  proclaims  the  love 
and  care  of  Yahweh  even  for  those  w^ho  had  been  the 
most  brutal  oppressors  of  Israel.  How  large  and  in¬ 
fluential  the  body  who  opposed  the  narrow  view  of 
Ezra  and  his  successors  was,  we  do  not  know,  but  the 
fact  that  we  have  so  many  bold  expressions  against 
racial  intolerance  in  the  literature  that  was  preserved 
by  the  priestly  and  hence  the  exclusive  body,  suggests 
that  they  must  have  been  no  negligible  quantity. 

Temple  Music — The  temple  was  the  home  of  the 
law,  but  its  ministrations  were  not  limited  to  legalism. 
The  second  temple,  unlike  the  first,  developed  singing 
as  a  part  of  its  service.  Ezra  ii.  41  is  our  earliest  refer¬ 
ence  to  a  class  of  singers  for  religious  worship.  This 
was  limited  to  responses,  recitation  in  unison,  and  in¬ 
tonation.  Harmony  is  comparatively  modern.  The 
development  of  the  temple  music  no  doubt  was  slow. 
Singing,  in  social  and  military  gatherings,  had  been 
common  before  the  exile  (Amos  v.  23).  In  Babylon 
‘The  songs  of  Zion”  became  a  part  of  their  religious 
exercises  (cf.  Ps.  cxxxvii.)  and  by  300  b.c.  an  elaborate 
musical  service  was  in  use  in  the  temple  (I  Chr.  xv. 


273 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

16-24).  Later  a  pipe  organ  was  built  in  the  temple 
by  Herod,  and  still  later  we  hear  of  boy  choirs  being 
used. 

The  Psalms — Religious  hymns  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
been  composed  before  the  exile.  The  captivity  added 
its  quota,  and  still  more  came  to  birth  after  the  exile. 
Because  of  the  revisions  through  which  all  songs  pass, 
it  is  a  useless  task  to  attempt  to  relate  each  and  all 
to  the  circumstances  of  their  origin.  It  is  altogether 
likely  that  with  the  new  emphasis  on  the  temple  wor¬ 
ship  many  psalms  came  into  being  after  the  time  of 
Ezra. 

The  book  of  Psalms  consists  of  a  number  of  com¬ 
pilations.  Five  books  are  definitely  marked  off  by 
doxologies.  They  are:  I  i.-xli.;  II  xlii.-lxxii. ;  III 
Ixxiii.-lxxxix. ;  IV  xc.-cvi.;  V  cvii.-cl.  A  study  of  the 
titles  shows  that  these  were  in  turn  built  up  out  of 
smaller  collections.  We  notice  that  xlii.-xlix.  all  bear 
the  title  ^^of  the  sons  of  Korah,^’  1.,  Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.  are 
entitled  ^^of  Asaph, and  cxx.-cxxxiv.  are  called  ‘‘songs 
of  ascent.’^  We  find  repetition  in  the  different  books, 
as  xiv.  and  liii.;  xl.  13-17  is  repeated  in  Ixx. ;  xxxi.  1-3 
is  the  same  as  Ixxi.  1-3;  and  Ivii.  8-13  is  closely  re¬ 
lated  to  cviii. 

Making  a  closer  study,  we  find  marked  charac¬ 
teristics  separating  the  books  from  each  other.  Book 
I  has  a  decided  preference  for  the  name  Yahweh 
(found  272  times  while  God  is  found  only  15  times), 
while  Book  II  has  a  preference  for  God  (found  164 
times  and  Yahweh  is  found  only  40  times).  Book 
III  has  God  36  times  and  Yahweh  only  13  times,  but 
Books  IV  and  V  have  Yahweh  339  times  and  God  is 
found  only  in  Psalms  cviii.  and  cxliv.  There  is  just  as 
marked  a  difference  in  the  general  tone  of  the  different 
books.  Book  I  is  largely  personal.  Books  II  and 
III  are  more  largely  national,  and  IV  and  V  are  chiefly 
ritualistic.  The  first  books  abound  in  confession  of 


274  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


sin ;  the  last  ones  never.  Linguistic  features  which  are 
quite  noticeable  indicate  origin  in  different  periods. 

There  is  every  evidence  that  collections  of  hymns 
had  been  made  before  the  time  of  the  writing  of 
Chronicles.  The  first  collection,  i.-xli.,  may  perhaps 
go  back  earlier  than  the  time  of  Ezra,  but  could 
scarcely  precede  the  dedication  of  the  second  temple 
in  516  B.c.  That  small  collections  of  songs  may  have 
been  gathered  and  used  on  festival  occasions  at  vari¬ 
ous  hillside  sanctuaries  much  earlier  than  this,  is  quite 
probable,  but  our  present  collections  in  their  present 
form  seem  to  belong  to  the  post-exilic  community. 
Books  II  and  III,  which  contain  the  collections  to  the 
Korahite  and  the  Asaphite  guilds,  referred  to  in  I 
Chronicles  vi.  31-48;  xvi.  41;  II  Chronicles  xxxv.  15, 
were  not  likely  compiled  long  before  300  b.c.,  as  they 
indicate  a  development  in  music  that  seems  later  than 
the  time  of  Ezra,  when  only  one  choir  is  mentioned 
(Neh.  xi.  17;  xii.  24;  Ezra  ii.  41;  x.  24;  Neh.  vii.  1,  4). 
The  last  two  books  naturally  were  collected  still  later. 
But  even  after  the  formation  of  a  collection  there  was 
nothing  to  hinder  the  insertion  of  individual  psalms, 
as  for  example,  Maccabean  psalms,  as  we  shall  see 
later. 

The  earliest  of  these  collections,  Book  I,  must  have 
been  used  in  worship  during  the  century  of  legalistic 
development  following  Ezra.  It  is  full  of  the  finest 
spiritual  conceptions  and  rich  in  the  expression  of  a 
vital  personal  faith  in  Yahweh.  The  moral  tone  leaves 
nothing  to  be  desired.  Confession  of  sin,  the  cry  of 
penitence,  and  the  joy  of  forgiveness,  all  blend  with 
exultant  praise  and  glowing  aspiration.  The  praises 
of  the  law  are  sung  but  twice  (i.,  xix.  7-14),  and  sacri¬ 
fice  is  mentioned  only  once,  and  then  the  voice  is  that 
of  the  prophet  (xl.  6-8).  The  constant  use  of  these 
psalms  surely  nurtured  a  type  of  piety  which  must 
have  often  tempered  the  rigors  of  legalism. 


275 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

Wisdom  Literature — There  was  yet  another  com¬ 
pany,  who  because  of  temperament  and  experience 
faced  their  world  from  still  another  angle.  These 
were  the  ‘Vise  men’’  of  Israel.  They  had  their  repre¬ 
sentatives  in  every  generation,  and  by  parable,  prov¬ 
erb,  and  problem,  illumined  and  broadened  the  bor¬ 
ders  of  thought. 

Job.  The  Date — The  greatest  of  their  race  gave  to 
posterity  some  time  towards  the  close  of  the  Persian 
period  one  of  the  most  sublime  pieces  of  literature 
found  in  any  language.  The  book  of  Job  sets  forth 
one  of  the  most  penetrating  interpretations  of  human 
suffering  the  world  has  ever  seen.  As  the  date  or 
author  are  not  stated  in  the  book  we  must  learn  what 
we  can  from  internal  evidence.  Clearly  it  is  the  prod¬ 
uct  of  an  age  of  reflection,  and  would  seem  to  follow 
Deuteronomy,  Habakkuk,  and  Jeremiah.  It  has  a 
world  outlook  and  is  not  specifically  Hebrew,  which 
would  indicate  lateness  of  origin.  Monotheism  is  an 
axiom  to  the  writer,  which  would  place  him  later  than 
540  B.C.,  the  date  of  Deutero-Isaiah.  The  parody  of 
Job  vii.  17-18  on  Psalm  viii.  4,  and  the  relation  of  this 
Psalm  to  Genesis  i.  would  point  us  towards  the  middle 
of  the  fourth  century  as  an  approximate  date  for  the 
book. 

The  Prose — Job  seems  to  have  been  an  ancient  well- 
known  character.  The  story  of  his  suffering  was  a 
part  of  the  common  tradition  which  in  part  has  been 
preserved  in  the  prose  sections  of  the  book,  i.-ii.,  xlii. 
7-17.  The  teaching  of  this,  a  story  that  may  have 
been  written  any  time  after  the  end  of  the 
seventh  century,  is  plain.  Job,  a  man  of  approved 
piety,  suffered  because  Yahweh  wished  to  prove  to 
Satan  that  men  served  him  for  other  than  personal 
interest.  The  author  seems  to  have  reacted  against 
the  most  natural  interpretation  of  the  Deuteronomic 
idea  of  rewards  and  punishments.  The  scene  is  laid 


276  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 

in  heaven.  The  angelic  beings  are  all  gathered  in 
assembly.  Yahweh  rallies  Satan  on  what  seems  to 
have  been  his  sore  point.  He  doubts  if  there  be  disin¬ 
terested  goodness  among  men.  He  is  given  permission 
to  test  Job.  Sword,  fire,  hurricane,  and  terrible 
disaster  are  the  messengers  he  hurls  on  the  head 
of  the  innocent  victim  of  this  experiment.  Job, 
bereft  but  calm  and  philosophic,  sins  not,  and  even 
heroically  endures  the  second  and  more  personal 
test  with  unfaltering  resignation  to  the  will  of  God. 
All  ends  well,  and  the  prose  story  concludes  that 
the  patient  sufferer  received  a  double  reward.  All 
this  savors  of  that  type  of  popular  story  which 
Oriental  people  love  so  well,  quite  fantastic  and 
impossible,  yet  the  medium  of  important  religious 
truth. 

The  Poem — The  poem,  however,  moves  in  quite  a 
different  atmosphere.  The  stage  setting  and  the  dra¬ 
matis  personae  belong  to  the  real  world.  The  problem 
here  is  how  to  justify  the  ways  of  God  to  man.  The¬ 
ology  has  ever  sought  an  answer  to  this  question. 
Job’s  contemporaries  had  one  that  had  become  their 
yard-stick  for  virtue.  The  orthodoxy  of  the  day,  based 
on  the  preexilic  prophets  and  Deuteronomy,  held  that 
suffering  was  always  proportionate  to  sin,  and  that 
prosperity  was  the  direct  evidence  of  goodness.  This 
poet,  like  Habakkuk  and  Jeremiah  before  him,  chal¬ 
lenged  such  a  proposition.  The  poignancy  of  the 
mental  agony  felt  in  the  early  part  of  the  poem  sug¬ 
gests  some  painful  personal  experience  on  the  part  of 
the  writer,  deepened  perhaps  by  the  cumulative  result 
of  national  suffering.  The  author  knew  the  popular 
theory  was  not  true  universally.  Calamity  was  not 
fully  explained,  either  as  punishment  or  as  chastise¬ 
ment.  His  friends  ably  defended  the  theology  of  the 
fathers,  waxed  warm  and  even  bitter,  but  Job,  the 
symbol  of  suffering,  maintained  his  innocence  to  the 


277 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

end.  He  had  personal  evidence.  Rationally  the  ways 
of  God  were  not  justified. 

But  religiously  there  came  help.  Job  in  his  sixth 
speech,  after  the  paroxysm  of  his  rage  had  worn  off, 
in  a  passage  the  Hebrew  text  of  which  is  partly  un¬ 
intelligible  affirms  his  confidence  that  he  will  be  vin¬ 
dicated,  and  that  he  for  himself  shall  see  God  (Job 
xix.  25-27).  Faith  is  not  sight,  and  unable  to  give  a 
logical  explanation  for  human  suffering,  this  man 
voiced  his  confidence  in  a  God  of  character.  From 
this  on,  his  fury  subsided.  He  was  broken,  he  could 
not  understand,  but  his  rebellion  was  gone.  In 
Yahweh’s  answer  there  is  a  little  help  to  faith.  If 
Yahweh  was  wise  enough  to  create  the  earth,  shut  up 
the  sea  within  bounds,  command  the  mornings,  and 
perform  all  the  marvels  of  nature,  if  he  cared  enough 
for  the  lion  to  provide  him  food,  for  the  wild  ass  to 
set  him  free,  for  the  ostrich  to  hatch  out  its  young, 
or  for  the  horse  to  give  him  his  might  and  glory,  was 
it  not  likely  that  the  wisdom  and  the  care  of  such  a 
God  for  man  would  be  such  as  to  warrant  the  strong¬ 
est  personal  confidence  (Job  xxxviii.,  xxxix.)?  It  is  a 
rhetorical  question  drawn  from  nature  and  indeed  from 
only  one  side  of  nature,  but  Job  is  humbled  and 
silenced.  No  rational  solution  has  been  formulated 
for  the  question,  but  logic  is  not  the  measure  of  life. 
There  are  ‘Reasons”  that  the  head  knows  not  of. 

The  speeches  of  Elihu  (Job  xxxii.-xxxvii.)  stand 
apart  from  the  rest  of  the  book.  The  speaker  is  un¬ 
known  by  the  friends  and  is  unnoticed  by  either  Job 
or  Yahweh.  These  chapters  are  an  interjection  by  a 
still  later  author,  who  was  not  satisfied  with  the  way 
the  case  had  been  handled.  He  shows  some  erudition 
and  much  pious  unction.  He  threshes  the  whole  mat¬ 
ter  over  again,  and  lays  especial  emphasis  on  the  place 
of  discipline  in  suffering.  But  after  carefully  reading 
it  all  over  one  does  not  feel  that  the  impetuous  youth 


278  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


has  either  added  anything  new  or  bettered  the  argu¬ 
ments  of  the  older  counselors. 

Apocalypticism — Apocalypticism,  which  is  closely 
related  to  prophecy  and  in  some  respects  a  continua¬ 
tion  of  it,  is  another  literary  current  that  is  found  in 
this  century.  Its  distinguishing  features  are  briefly: 
(a)  the  use  of  symbols,  figures,  or  numbers  to  convey 
the  meaning  to  the  initiated;  (b)  its  interest  is  chiefly 
in  ^flast  things”;  (c)  it  is  prevailingly  pessimistic; 
(d)  this  world  will  be  destroyed  and  the  new  age 
introduced  cataclysmically  by  God;  (e)  it  is  all 
anonymous,  and  most  of  it  pseudepigraphic ;  (/)  it  is 
the  product  of  periods  of  crisis,  and  has  been  justly 
called  ^Tracts  for  hard  times.”  In  Zephaniah  i.  14-17 
and  Ezekiel  xxxvii.  we  find  faint  beginnings  that  easily 
shade  off  into  the  prophetic  message.  Isaiah  Ivi.-lxvi. 
has  a  number  of  sections  that  are  still  more  definitely 
related  to  full-fledged  apocalypticism  (Isa.  lx.  1-22; 
Ixv.  17-25;  Ixvi.  18-22). 

Joel — By  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  or  per¬ 
haps  a  little  later,  we  have  a  booklet  which  is  still 
further  on  the  way.  Joel  writes  when  Judah  is  alone 
and  her  fortunes  are  at  low  ebb.  He  looks  back  on 
the  dispersion  among  the  nations,  and  hence  wrote 
after  the  captivity  (Joel  iii.  1-3,  5).  The  temple  and 
the  city  walls  are  standing,  hence  he  is  later  than 
Nehemiah  and  Ezra  (Joel  i.  13;  ii.  9,  17;  iii.  17).  The 
Greeks  are  known  through  their  trade  relations,  and 
are  expected  by  the  prophet  to  invade  the  coast  lands 
of  Syria  (Joel  iii.  6,  7).  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Philistia 
have  been  oppressing  and  scattering  Judah  (Joel  iii. 
2-5).  A  great  locust  plague  bringing  famine  in  its 
trail  had  recently  overwhelmed  the  land  and  added 
terror  and  distress  to  the  situation  (Joel.  i.  2-4,  9-12, 
15-20;  ii.  3-11,  15).  When  we  add  to  these  historical 
references  the  fact  that  much  of  the  book  is  a  mosaic 
from  earlier  writings,  out  of  the  seventy-three  verses 


279 


THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD,  539-332  B.C. 

twenty-three  phrases  or  clauses  are  quotations,  and 
when  we  note  its  interest  in  ritual,  the  conclusion  that 
the  book  comes  from  the  time  after  Ezra  is  apparent. 

To  the  author,  the  locust  plague  was  but  the  fore¬ 
runner  of  the  day  of  Yahweh,  which  is  strongly  tinged 
with  apocalyptic  coloring.  He  calls  on  the  people  to 
fast  and  repent,  to  rend  their  hearts  in  order  that 
Yahweh,  who  is  gracious  and  merciful,  may  repent  him 
of  the  evil  that  otherwise  must  come.  Then  the  day 
of  Yahweh  is  proclaimed  as  a  day  of  vengeance  on  all 
the  nations  (Joel  hi.  2-13,  19),  but  it  is  a  day  of  refuge 
for  the  people  of  Yahweh  (Joel  iu.  16),  and  a  day  of 
great  prosperity  for  the  land  (Joel  ii.  18-27).  It  is  to 
be  accompanied  by  an  outpouring  of  the  spirit  of 
prophecy  on  all  classes,  and  Judah  and  Jerusalem  shall 
be  established  for  ever  (Joel  ii.  28-32;  iii.  20). 

Isaiah  Ixiii.  7 — Ixvi.  21 — Another  collection  of  ora¬ 
cles,  Isaiah  Ixiii.  7 — Ixvi.  21,  breathes  the  atmosphere 
of  these  trying  times.  Some  great  disaster  has  over¬ 
taken  the  community,  the  temple  has  been  desecrated, 
the  country  is  waste,  schismatists  are  in  the  land,  and 
idolatry  is  prevalent.  They  are  all  in  poetic  form  and 
may  be  grouped  in  three  divisions. 

1.  Isaiah  Ixiii.  7-14  is  a  psalm  of  thanksgiving.  It 
wistfully  celebrates  the  deeds  of  renown  that  Yahweh 
himself  achieved  of  yore  for  his  people,  although  they 
resisted  him  and  grieved  his  holy  spirit. 

2.  Isaiah  Ixiii.  15 — Ixiv.  11  is  an  urgent  cry  for  com¬ 
passion  and  immediate  help.  Disaster  has  overtaken 
the  sanctuary,  and  the  tribes  of  his  inheritance  are  in 
grave  need.  The  confidence  of  the  poet  in  the  fatherly 
care  of  Yahweh  for  his  people  is  expressed  very 
tenderly  and  beautifully  (Isa.  Ixiv.  7-8). 

3.  The  third  section,  Isaiah  Ixv.  1 — Ixvi.  21,  consists 
of  eight  brief  poems.  They  indicate  that  there  are 
factions  in  the  land.  Apostasy  and  idolatry  seem  to 
be  prevalent,  and  the  writer  is  greatly  vexed  at  the 


280  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


evils  of  the  day.  But  he  is  confident  that  the  word  of 
Yahweh  to  all  the  wicked  is  one  of  destruction,  but 
the  faithful  are  about  to  enjoy  the  best  of  everything. 

If,  as  language  and  historical  allusion  would 
strongly  suggest,  these  chapters  were  written  just  be¬ 
fore  the  downfall  of  Persia,  between  346  and  332  b.c., 
we  can  see  how  eagerly  some  of  the  religious  leaders  of 
the  Jewish  community  longed  for  a  change  of  rulers, 
and  how  confidently  some  of  them  believed  those  dark 
days  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  III  were  but  the  pre¬ 
lude  to  the  dawn. 

The  above  literature  indicates  the  variety  and  the 
vitality  of  the  movements  in  Judaism  during  this  age. 
If  the  national  hopes  rarely  came  to  expression,  and 
the  prince  of  the  house  of  David  was  entirely  absent 
from  the  picture,  there  was  an  intensity  of  religious 
activity  and  a  depth  of  confidence  in  the  future  that 
relieved  it  from  all  semblance  of  mediocrity.  Though 
the  nation’s  life  must  have  been  poorly  organized  and 
comparatively  insignificant,  its  genuine  piety  left  a 
rich  heritage  for  succeeding  generations. 


CHAPTER  XX 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD, 

332-135  B.c. 

I  AND  II  Chronicles;  I,  II  and  III  Maccabees; 
Daniel;  Esther;  Psalms,  Books  ii.-v.;  Isaiah 
xxiv.-xvii.;  Zechariah  ix.-xiv.;  Ecclesiastes; 
Proverbs  i.-ix.,  xxx.-xxxi.;  Song  of  Solomon. 

A — Historical  Sketch 

Alexander  stands  unquestioned  at  the  head  of 
world  conquerors.  The  facts  of  his  rise  and  triumph 
exceed  the  legends  that  have  gathered  around  his 
name.  In  336  b.c.  he  succeeded  his  father  as  head  of 
the  Greek  confederacy.  In  334  b.c.,  with  a  small,  well- 
seasoned  army,  he  became  master  of  the  Greek  colo¬ 
nies  in  Asia  Minor  by  the  battle  of  Granicus.  The  vic¬ 
tory  of  Issus  in  333  b.c.  laid  Syria  at  his  feet  and 
opened  the  approaches  to  Egypt.  In  July,  332  b.c.,  he 
captured  Tyre,  received  the  homage  of  all  Syria,  and 
later  in  the  year  took  Gaza,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Nile  laid  the  foundations  of  Alexandria.  The  battle  of 
Arbela,  won  in  October,  331  b.c.,  made  him  the  mas¬ 
ter  of  Babylon  and  Persia.  His  authority  touched  the 
boundary  of  India  by  328  b.c.,  and  by  325  b.c.  he  re¬ 
ceived  homage  of  the  people  as  far  east  as  the  Indus. 

A  general  he  was  in  truth,  but  he  was  a  man  of 
culture  as  well.  Following  the  dream  of  his  father, 
Philip,  and  inspired  by  the  glories  of  Greek  art  and 

281 


282  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  ideals  of  Greek  philosophy,  which  he  had  gained 
from  his  teacher,  Aristotle,  he  planned  that  Greek 
customs  and  ideas  should  leaven  the  whole  of  the 
barbaric  world.  His  program  was  well  under  way 
when  in  323  b.c.  death  closed  his  meteoric  career. 

He  had  no  successor.  His  empire,  the  prize  of  his 
generals,  was  ultimately  divided  amongst  the  four 
most  outstanding  army  leaders.  To  Seleucus  fell  the 
eastern  part  of  the  empire,  from  Issus  to  India,  while 
Ptolemy  held  sway  in  Egypt.  Syria  was,  as  always, 
the  buffer  state  and  again  was  the  battle  ground 
between  the  two.  Greek  armies  trampled  the  soil  of 
Palestine  in  one  continuous  armageddon.  In  the  first 
forty  years  this  territory  passed  back  and  forth,  the 
booty  of  the  spoiler  no  less  than  eight  times.  In 
321  B.c.  when  Ptolemy  I  of  Egypt  captured  Jerusalem 
on  the  sabbath  day,  no  resistance  was  offered  by  the 
sabbath-keeping  Jews,  and  he  carried  many  of  them 
captive  into  Egypt. 

Ptolemy  II  (285-246  b.c.)  by  280  gained  for  Egypt 
control  over  Palestine,  which  continued  down  to  198 
B.c.  with  only  insignificant  breaks.  He  planted  Greek 
garrisons  throughout  the  province  and  made  it  the 
bulwark  against  encroachments  from  the  north.  Thus 
for  a  hundred  years  the  borders  of  Judea,  Philistia, 
and  Galilee  continued  to  be  the  battle  ground  for  the 
armies  of  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  and  the  Seleucids 
of  Syria.  Ptolemy  was  kindly  disposed  towards  the 
Jews,  as  he  found  them  capable  and  energetic.  He 
granted  freedom  to  large  numbers  of  those  whom  he 
had  held  as  slaves,  and  his  liberality  encouraged  others 
to  flock  to  Egypt  (Jos.  Ant.  xii.  1,  2).  There  seems 
to  be  good  evidence  that  in  his  reign,  about  250  b.c., 
the  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  into  Greek  was  com¬ 
menced.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  beginning  of  the 
translation  was  due  to  the  felt  need  on  the  part  of 
many  of  the  Jews  to  have  their  Scriptures  in  the 


283 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

Greek,  which  was  now  their  native  tongue.  The 
tradition  that  Josephus  has  preserved,  carries  us  back 
to  the  earliest  possible  date  for  such  activity  (Jos. 
Ant.  xii.  2,  1-2). 

During  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III  (246-221  b.c.)  the 
lust  for  gold  showed  itself  in  the  family  of  the  high 
priest.  Onias  II,  the  high  priest,  greedy  for  his  own 
gain,  let  the  tribute  to  Egypt  fall  into  arrears.  Ptol¬ 
emy’s  threats  did  not  move  the  old  man,  and  disaster 
seemed  imminent  when  his  nephew,  Joseph,  with  his 
uncle’s  consent,  went  to  Egypt  about  230  b.c.  to  right 
matters.  His  lavish  gifts  to  the  king  and  his  bid  for 
the  privilege  of  taxgathering  in  Syria,  which  was 
double  that  of  his  competitors,  won  the  favor  of  Ptol¬ 
emy  (Jos.  Ant.  xii.  4,  1-6).  Then  opened  a  story  of 
twenty-two  years  of  plundering  the  people,  Gentile 
cities  as  Askalon  and  Scythopolis  particularly  suffer¬ 
ing,  coupled  with  profligate  and  luxurious  living  on 
the  part  of  Joseph,  the  taxgatherer.  Hyrcanus,  an 
illegitimate  son,  equally  profligate,  continued  this 
unscrupulous  policy  until  his  suicide  in  175 
B.c. 

The  affliction  of  the  Jews  was  further  added  to  by 
Ptolemy  IV  (222-205  b.c.),  one  of  the  most  reprobate 
kings  of  Egypt,  if  the  Jewish  traditions  are  to  be 
credited.  He  is  reported  to  have  entered  the  temple, 
polluted  it,  degraded  many  Jews  to  the  condition  of 
slaves,  and  tortured  and  martyred  many  others  of 
them  (III  Mac.  iii.,  iv.).  Gladly  did  they  in  those  days 
turn  to  the  Syrian  kings,  who  were  making  war  on 
Egypt  for  the  possession  of  Palestine. 

From  198  b.c.,  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Banias,  the 
Seleucids  became  masters  of  the  country  (Jos.  Ant. 
xii.  3,  3).  Antiochus  III  (224-187  b.c.)  permitted  the 
Jews  large  freedom  in  civil  and  religious  affairs  (Jos. 
Ant.  xii.  3,  3-4).  Seleucus  IV  (187-175  b.c.)  was  less 
considerate.  Antiochus  IV  (175-164  b.c.)  determined 


284  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


to  impose  Greek  culture  on  his  subjects.  Jason,  a 
Hellenized  Jew,  gained  the  office  of  the  high  priest¬ 
hood  through  bribery,  and  his  predecessor,  the  devout 
Onias  III,  thus  deprived  of  leadership  in  Jerusalem, 
went  to  Leontopolis  in  Egypt,  and  there  succeeded  in 
building  and  dedicating  a  temple  to  the  worship  of 
Yahweh  (Jos.  “Jewish  Wars’’  i.  1;  cf.  Isa.  xix.  19-26). 
A  Greek  gymnasium  was  built  in  Jerusalem,  and  Greek 
games  and  customs  began  to  undermine  the  Jewish 
piety  and  banish  its  symbols.  In  172  b.c.  Menelaus 
outbid  Jason  for  the  priesthood  and  sold  himself  com¬ 
pletely  to  the  Hellenizing  party.  Antiochus,  soured  by 
a  military  repulse  in  Egypt  in  170  b.c.,  made  the  broils 
of  the  Jerusalem  priests  an  excuse  for  plundering  the 
temple,  and  putting  a  thousand  Jews  to  death.  Again 
in  168  B.C.,  because  the  Roman  senate  put  a  final  check 
on  his  ambitions  in  Egypt,  he  let  loose  the  flood  of 
his  rage  on  the  Jews,  whom  he  thought  to  be  defense¬ 
less  (II  Mac.  vi.  12— vii.  42).  He  razed  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  fortified  and  garrisoned  the  area  of  Solo¬ 
mon’s  palace,  prohibited  circumcision,  sabbath  observ¬ 
ance  and  the  possession  of  copies  of  the  law,  and 
insisted  that  all  Jews  should  eat  swine’s  flesh.  He  had 
an  altar  erected  to  Zeus  in  the  temple,  and  the  climax 
was  reached  when  on  December  25,  168  b.c.,  the  sacri¬ 
fice  of  swine  was  offered  thereon  (I  Mac.  i.  41-64). 
This  was  the  “abomination  of  desolation”  (Dan.  xi. 
31;  xii.  11). 

Then  came  the  crisis.  Many  Jews  violated  the  edict 
and  suffered  heroically  for  the  forms  of  their  faith. 
Others  were  unyielding.  Mattathias,  an  aged  priest 
at  Modin,  refused  to  offer  swine’s  flesh,  and  in  in¬ 
dignation  slew  an  apostate  Jew,  who  consented  to  do 
so,  along  with  the  Syrian  officer  who  was  supervising 
the  worship.  Blood  had  been  spilled,  and  the  standard 
of  revolt  was  raised  (I  Mac.  ii.  1-28).  Judas  Macca¬ 
beus,  the  third  son  of  the  intrepid  patriot,  became  the 


285 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

military  leader  and  fought  with  a  dash  and  daring 
that  has  seldom  been  equaled  in  history.  The  Cha¬ 
sidim,  those  pious  keepers  of  the  law,  who  were  the 
strictest  sect  of  their  day,  joined  in  the  struggle  with 
the  enthusiasm  of  despair.  Battle  after  battle  against 
vastly  superior  forces  was  fought  and  won.  Syrian 
generals  of  renown,  Apollonarius,  Seron,  and  Lysias, 
were  outgeneraled,  and  armies  hardened  to  the  field  of 
conflict  were  put  to  flight.  Jerusalem,  except  the 
citadel,  was  finally  captured,  the  temple  was  purified, 
the  pagan  altar  was  torn  down,  and  on  December  25, 
165  B.C.,  regular  Jewish  worship  was  fully  restored  (I 
Mac.  iii.-iv.). 

For  many,  the  goal  had  been  reached  when,  in  163 
B.C.,  they  were  granted  freedom  in  religion  by  the 
Syrian  power.  The  Chasidim  had  no  enthusiasm  for 
civil  authority,  and  hence  they  were  indifferent  to 
further  military  achievement.  Not  so  the  Maccabees. 
Whether  inspired  by  a  literal  interpretation  of  ancient 
national  prophecies,  or  intoxicated  by  their  un¬ 
paralleled  victories,  they  now  dreamed  of  a  Jewish 
kingdom.  Judas,  though  his  ranks  were  depleted, 
gained  small  successes  against  Edom,  Ammon,  and 
Gilead  (I  Mac.  v.  1-5).  Though  sieged  by  a  Syrian 
army  for  a  short  time  in  163  b.c.  in  Jerusalem,  he 
turned  the  tables  by  a  brilliant  victory  over  a  Syrian 
force  under  Nicanor  in  161  b.c.,  but  he  himself  per¬ 
ished  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

The  struggle  continued  for  decades  with  varying 
successes  (I  Mac.  ix.,  x.).  Two  of  Judas’s  brothers 
were  murdered,  one  of  them,  Jonathan,  having  been 
high  priest  as  well  as  leader  from  153  b.c.  to  the  time  of 
his  death  (I  Mac.  ix.  28-30;  x.  21,  69).  Simon  (143- 
135  B.C.),  a  third  brother,  was  his  successor  to  both 
offices  and  continued  both  the  military  and  political 
policy  of  his  predecessor  (I  Mac.  xiii.  42 — xvi.  18). 
Two  factions  existed  in  Syria,  and  these  were  played 


286  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


against  each  other  to  the  advantage  of  the  Maccabees 
(I  Mac.  X.,  xi.,  xiii.  34-40). 

Political  freedom  was  at  last  gained  for  the  Jews 
(I  Mac.  XV.  1-9).  It  seemed  a  new  era  for  the  little 
nation.  Simon  was  made  ethnarch  and  high  priest, 
and  the  dual  office  was  granted  to  him  and  his  house 
in  perpetuity  (I  Mac.  xiv.  41-49).  For  eight  years 
he  wisely  organized  and  developed  his  little  kingdom. 
The  boundaries  were  extended  to  the  west,  and  Gezer 
and  Joppa  became  Jewish  cities.  Rome,  under  the 
consul  Lucius,  to  whom  Simon  had  sent  an  embassy, 
decreed  that  nowhere  should  the  Romans  hurt  or 
fight  against  the  Jews  nor  be  confederates  with  those 
who  fought  against  them  (I  Mac.  xv.  16-21). 

These  were  glorious  years,  the  years  of  small  be¬ 
ginnings,  which  seemed  to  be  big  with  promise  for 
the  fulfillment  of  ancient  hopes.  There  were  singers 
and  writers  in  those  days,  and  traces  of  their  joy  and 
hope  may  still  be  read  in  the  Scriptures.  Psalm  cx. 
is  an  acrostic  poem  with  the  Hebrew  letters  for  the 
name  Simon  as  the  initial  letters  of  the  verses,  and  in 
thought  bears  a  very  close  resemblance  to  the  aspira¬ 
tions  of  this  time.  But  in  135  b.c.  Simon  was  mur¬ 
dered,  and  again  the  light  of  national  hope  was 
quenched.  The  ensuing  history  and  its  literature,  of 
which  there  is  much  of  very  great  importance  to  the 
understanding  of  New  Testament  life  and  thought, 
cannot  here  be  followed,  as  it  lies  beyond  the  bounds 
of  the  Old  Testament  canon. 

Influence  of  Greek  Culture — The  fortunes  of  the 
Jews  during  these  two  centuries  were  as  varying  and 
as  fruitful  of  religious  ferment  as  in  any  period  of 
their  experience.  The  Greek  life  with  which  they 
were  surrounded  challenged  them  every  day  for  weal 
or  for  woe.  This  was  a  new  and  exhilarating  ex¬ 
perience.  The  tides  of  culture,  the  new  customs,  the 
games,  the  hippodrome,  the  theater,  the  schools,  the 


287 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

joy  of  living,  the  worship  of  the  beautiful,  the  rever¬ 
ence  for  philosophy,  all  came  pouring  through  the 
valleys  of  Syria,  fostered  by  bands  of  eager  missioners 
who  believed  that  Greek  ideals  should  dominate  the 
world.  Some  were  overwhelmed  by  the  new  life  and 
its  temptations.  Others  under  its  impact  became 
legalists,  sages,  saints,  or  prophets.  Sometimes  the 
atmosphere  was  fatal  to  idealism,  at  others  old  hopes 
flamed  out  anew  with  a  brilliancy  and  a  confidence 
never  surpassed.  It  was  a  growing,  creative  period, 
a  time  when  there  were  many  voices,  and  not  as  some¬ 
times  supposed  a  period  of  silence. 

It  was  an  era  of  growing  cities.  This  was  the  sym¬ 
bol  of  Greek  culture,  and  was  Alexander’s  agent  in 
spreading  Hellenism.  He  himself  founded  some  sixty 
cities  and  aided  in  the  development  of  many  others. 
His  successors  added  hundreds  of  others.  Each, 
colonized  and  governed  by  Greek  free  men,  many  of 
whom  were  retired  soldiers,  was  the  apostle  of  Greek 
ways  and  ideals.  No  place  was  more  completely 
evangelized  than  Syria,  and  the  plains  around  Judea 
gloried  in  the  cities  that  flourished  under  this  new 
impulse. 

A  new  commerce  was  stimulated,  owing  to  the  new 
methods  and  the  new  concourse  of  nations.  The  new 
learning  was  thus  carried  to  the  bounds  of  the  empire. 
Greek  was  the  lingua  franca  of  business,  politics,  and 
philosophy.  Aristotle,  Socrates,  and  Euripides,  the 
philosophies  of  Zeno  and  Epicurus,  were  discussed  in 
the  theaters  and  taught  in  the  schools.  The  captivity 
had  loosened  the  Jew  from  his  native  soil  and  had 
quickened  his  trading  instincts.  He  had  become  a 
citizen  of  the  world,  and  now  in  plying  his  trade,  he 
found  his  way  into  every  city  of  the  new  empire. 

The  organization  of  the  Jewish  community  was 
essential  for  its  well-being.  The  sanhedrin  was  the 
final  product  of  their  history  as  a  subject  province. 


288  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  elders  always  occupied  an  important  place  in 
Oriental  society.  In  Deuteronomy  they  are  charged 
with  judicial  functions  (Dt.  xix.  12;  xxi.  2).  In  the 
exile  we  get  a  glimpse  of  them  in  what  seems  to  have 
been  an  advisory  capacity  (Ezk.  viii.  1;  xiv.  1;  xx.  1). 
In  the  book  of  Ezra  they  are  a  definitely  recognized 
institution  (Ezra  v.  5,  9;  vi.  7,  14;  x.  8).  It  was,  how¬ 
ever,  so  far  as  we  know,  not  till  the  Greek  period  that 
the  sanhedrin  was  fully  developed  with  its  member¬ 
ship  of  seventy-one  selected  from  the  princes,  the 
priests,  and  the  Levites,  with  the  high  priest  as  its 
head.  It  was  thus  aristocratic  in  its  composition,  and 
in  function  was  the  supreme  court  of  justice  for  the 
Jews,  exercising  both  legislative  and  executive  powers. 

But  the  major  part  of  the  Jewish  nation  wandered 
far  beyond  the  border  of  their  own  country,  yet 
wherever  they  settled  they  still  remained  in  religion 
and  sympathies  wonderfully  loyal  to  their  inheritance. 
In  no  land  was  religion  comparable  to  their  own  in 
morals,  in  thought,  in  hope,  or  even  in  symbolism. 
Whenever  they  could  they  visited  Jerusalem  and 
participated  in  the  great  festivals.  But  long  pil¬ 
grimages  could  only  be  occasional,  and  were  prohibi¬ 
tive  to  many.  Observance  of  the  sabbath  was  in  the 
forefront  of  their  law.  In  every  city  where  they  went 
they  naturally  met  together  for  social,  commercial, 
and  religious  ends.  Copies  of  their  law  could  easily 
be  obtained.  Interpretation  and  instruction  were 
needed.  Some  regular  place  of  meeting  was  required. 

Thus  developed  the  synagogue.  Its  roots  run  back 
most  likely  to  the  meeting  of  the  elders  in  Ezekiel's 
home  in  Babylon,  and  other  similar  gatherings.  The 
reform  of  Ezra,  with  the  law  book  and  the  sabbath 
as  central  features,  added  to  the  necessity  of  some 
regular  gathering.  The  Greek  conquest  with  the 
opening  up  of  many  trade  routes,  the  development  of 
cities,  and  the  ensuing  migrations  of  the  Jews  com- 


289 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

pelled  the  perfecting  of  this  ancient  school  of  religion. 
Only  one  reference  to  the  s^yTiagogue  is  found  in  the 
Old  Testament  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  4).  Eg\^tian  pap}Ti  be¬ 
longing  to  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III  refer  a  number  of 
times  to  such  Jewish  gatherings  in  Eg^^ptian  cities. 
Hence  we  may  conclude  that  towards  the  middle  of 
the  Greek  period  the  synagogue  took  its  final  form. 

The  buildings  were  mostly  of  one  t^^De,  oblong  with 
a  raised  platform  at  one  end,  on  which  was  a  reading 
desk.  One  of  the  important  articles  of  furniture  was 
the  box,  or  ark,  in  which  the  sacred  roll  was  kept. 
The  reading  and  interpretation  of  Scripture,  prayer, 
and  praise,  formed  the  important  part  of  the  religious 
service  on  the  sabbath.  It  was  also  used  as  a  social 
center  and  as  the  assembly  hall  for  judgment  of  cases 
between  Jews.  We  can  easily  see  how  the  sjmagogue, 
which  was  always  surrounded  by  the  Gentile  world, 
would  tend  to  develop  a  liberal  tyipe  of  Judaism. 

B — Religious  axd  Literary  Actryty 

1.  Legalism 

Greek  influence  was  very  marked  in  all  the  religious 
thought  and  activity  of  the  age.  It  is  probable  that 
the  earliest  and  most  definite  result  was  a  vigorous 
reaction  against  all  the  new  ideals.  The  law  of  Ezra 
had  leavened  the  lump.  Rules  and  ritual  had  been 
multiplied.  Satisfactions  were  found  by  many  in 
following  definitely  prescribed  tasks.  The  rising  in¬ 
cense,  the  vested  priest,  the  temple  response  appealed 
to  the  aesthetic  and  nourished  the  instinct  of  worship. 
The  ^‘book”  with  its  intricacies  and  its  elaborate  pre¬ 
scriptions,  its  narratives  of  human  achievement  and 
divine  wonders  gave  range  to  the  highest  activities 
of  mind  and  heart.  It  is  no  wonder  that  to  many  the 
^Taw”  became  the  way  of  life. 


290  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  first  product  of  this  legalistic  reaction  was  the 
writing  of  the  ecclesiastical  history,  I  and  II  Chron¬ 
icles,  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  The  ^^school”  or  the  writ¬ 
ers  who  wrote  this  great  book  were  the  successors  of 
those  who  wrote  P.  and  completed  the  Hexateuch. 
They  belong  a  century  later,  writing  about  300  b.c., 
and  were  thus  the  heirs  of  P.  and  of  a  hundred  years 
of  priestly  development.  The  singers  had  now  at¬ 
tained  Levitical  rank  (I  Chr.  xxiii.  3-5;  xxvi.  1-19;  II 
Chr.  XX.  19),  while  earlier  they  were  a  lower  order  (cf. 
Neh.  vii.  44;  Ezra  ii.  41).  The  priesthood  was  now 
organized  into  twenty-four  courses,  something  that  is 
not  suggested  earlier  (I  Chr.  xxiv.  7-19).  Other  sig¬ 
nificant  details  resulted  from  the  necessity  of  the  case. 
In  the  face  of  the  menace  of  the  Greek  religion  they 
assume  that  the  religious  institutions  of  Israel  had 
existed  from  the  beginning,  and  they  assert  their 
divine  origin,  and  show  how  they  had  been  honored 
by  Yahweh  throughout  a  long  history.  To  them  the 
house  of  David,  the  Aaronic  priesthood,  and  the  wor¬ 
ship  in  the  temple  were  the  only  legitimate  civil  and 
religious  institutions.  The  kings  of  Israel  are  not 
mentioned,  and  the  priestly  acts  of  others  than  the 
Levites  and  in  other  places  than  in  Jerusalem  are 
either  passed  over  or  strongly  condemned.  The  good 
kings  were  reputed  to  have  observed  the  command¬ 
ments  of  the  late  priestly  code,  and  the  calamities  that 
fell  on  the  nation  were  the  direct  result  of  violation 
of  the  ritual  of  the  priests. 

This  history  is  invaluable.  It  can  be  accepted 
as  unquestioned  evidence  for  the  institutions,  the 
thought,  and  the  ideals  of  the  priestly  group  of  its 
own  day  and  those  immediately  preceding.  It  is  an 
exponent  of  the  legalism  of  the  late  Persian  and  the 
early  Greek  period.  Here  we  find  Judaism  with  its 
ardor  and  its  hope.  It  was  interested  supremely  in 
the  dress  of  the  priest,  the  detail  of  the  worship,  and 


291 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

the  keeping  of  the  law.  Its  adherents  tithed  mint,  rue, 
anise,  and  cummin,  and  trembled  in  the  presence  of  a 
God  who  marvelously  manifested  himself  to  those 
whose  mode  of  worship  was  satisfactory,  but  with 
plague  and  earthquake  visited  those  who  disregarded 
his  holiness.  It  is  true  the  spirit  was  narrow  and 
legalistic,  but  it  was  a  conserving  force  and  kept  Juda¬ 
ism  from  being  swept  away  in  the  new  and  strong 
currents  of  Hellenism.  It  was  formal,  but  within  its 
shell  was  a  spirit  that  nurtured  many  of  the  most  de¬ 
vout  and  saintly  spirits  of  the  day. 

It  is  difficult  to  follow  many  of  the  chronicler’s 
accounts  of  early  events.  As  we  have  already  seen 
in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (cf.  pp.  245-246),  he  sometimes 
lacked  historical  perspective.  No  doubt  he  inherited 
numerous  traditions  that  lay  outside  the  book  of 
Kings,  some  in  written,  some  in  oral  form.  He  had 
at  command,  most  probably,  temple  archives  that  gave 
much  supplementary  material.  Some  of  these  neg¬ 
lected  stories  charitably  overlooked  'the  failings  of 
heroes,  or  interpreted  the  past  in  the  most  favorable 
light.  Over  all  of  these  the  editor  placed  the  well- 
wrought  priestly  mantle.  He  was  further  guided  in 
his  selection  and  use  of  material,  as  was  natural,  by 
his  priestly  interests,  rather  than  by  a  demand  for 
rigid  historical  fact.  Hence,  this  ecclesiastical  history 
is  not  only  a  work  that  teaches  legalistic  Judaism  in 
all  its  pages,  but  it  presents  this  apparently  without 
any  consciousness  that  that  legalism  was  the  result  of 
a  long  development. 


2.  Folk-Tales 

But  the  chronicler  was  not  the  only  one  who  gloried 
in  and  idealized  his  racial  inheritance.  Slight  his¬ 
torical  incident  has  always  been  the  fertile  seed  for 
later  legend.  The  Jewish  mind  reveled  in  such  during 


292  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


this  period.  Persecution  made  them  more  insistent 
on  their  racial  claims,  and  each  worthy  achievement 
and  mark  of  distinction  was  transfigured  through  the 
art  of  the  story-teller.  Alexander  offered  obeisance  to 
the  high  priest  at  Jerusalem  (Jos.  Ant.  xi.,  viii.  4-7) ; 
Heliodorus  was  trampled  on  by  a  heavenly  horseman 
(II  Mac.  iii.  24-36) ;  the  Jews  were  marvelously  de¬ 
livered  from  the  intoxicated  elephants,  while  the  sol¬ 
diers  were  crushed  to  death  (III  Mac.  v-vii.) ;  and 
so  it  goes. 

A  world  of  romance,  peopled  with  loyal  Jews  among 
whom  God  worked  in  ways  that  were  marvelous,  was 
a  real  world  to  many  Jews  in  days  of  heart-breaking 
tragedy.  It  was  their  world  of  hope,  the  only  world 
of  God  they  knew.  These  folk-tales  may  have  been 
born  of  a  credulous  faith  which  readily  found  in  his¬ 
tory  the  thing  it  sought,  but  they  lightened  their 
sorrows  and  stirred  many  to  deeds  in  real  life  that 
were  as  noble  as  any  ever  dreamed  in  fiction.  Of  one 
of  these  Luther  exclaimed,  ^Ts  it  fiction,  then  it  is  a 
truly  beautiful,  wholesome,  profitable  fiction,  the  per¬ 
formance  of  a  gifted  poet.^^  In  the  interbiblical 
literature  we  have  many  such  golden  dreams.  The 
additions  to  Esther  add  many  dramatic  and  super¬ 
natural  details  to  the  canonical  book.  The  history  of 
Susana,  Judith,  the  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children, 
Bel  and  the  Dragon,  and  Tobit,  all  come  from  the 
Greek  period,  most  of  them  strongly  savor  of  legalism, 
and  all  agree  in  glorifying  the  Jewish  race  and  religion. 

It  is  not  strange  that  we  find  two  selections  in  the 
canon  that  have  some  similarities  with  the  foregoing. 
The  book  of  Esther  is  the  product  of  this  period  and 
of  this  spirit.  In  it  are  many  realistic  touches.  The 
prominence  of  a  Jew  in  a  foreign  court,  the  cruelty 
and  the  insults  suffered  by  many  of  this  nation,  the 
immoral  and  irresponsible  character  of  Xerxes,  as 
well  as  many  minor  features,  ring  true  to  history. 


293 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

But  a  Persian  proclamation  permitting  the  Jews  to 
slaughter  the  Persians?  The  permission  to  continue  it 
the  second  day?  The  results  achieved  by  the  hand¬ 
ful  of  Jews  in  the  Persian  realm?  Esther  must  not 
be  known  as  a  Jewess,  while  a  Jew  was  in  high  author¬ 
ity  in  the  court?  A  Jewess  queen  in  Persia  where 
the  enactments  concerning  royal  marriages  were  most 
rigid?  Well,  we  can  appreciate  the  purpose,  but  we 
must  be  slow  to  read  it  all  as  history.  It  is  a  tale 
with  a  purpose.  It  gives  an  adequate  explanation  of 
the  feast  of  Purim,  which  in  the  later  days  was  one 
of  the  important  festivals  of  the  Jewish  people  (Esther 
ix.  17-19).  It  further  opened  up  a  world  of  heroic 
achievement  in  which  the  distressed  might  for  a  time 
forget  the  depth  of  their  sorrow.  When  we  consider 
the  spirit  of  the  book,  which,  notwithstanding  the 
serio-comic  vein  running  through  it  in  the  hanging  of 
the  shortsighted,  self-conceited  courtier,  is  venomous 
with  racial  hatred,  and  note  that  it  is  devoid  of  any 
truly  religious  ideal,  we  are  not  surprised  that  it  was 
admitted  to  the  Jewish  canon  only  after  a  prolonged 
struggle. 

Daniel  i.  iii.-vi.  has  also  much  in  common  with  this 
literature.  These  chapters  are  so  different  in  tone 
from  the  rest  of  the  book  that  they  may  be  studied 
alone.  They  consist  of  stories  that  may  have  been 
very  old  and,  no  doubt,  may  have  been  related  to 
events  in  the  life  of  Daniel  or  of  his  contemporaries. 
But  it  is  now  generally  conceded  that  the  internal 
evidence  points  to  the  years  167-165  b.c.  as  the  date  of 
the  composition  of  the  present  book. 

Ritual  is  the  main  theme  of  these  tales,  and  Yahweh 
is  proved  superior  to  the  Persian  deities  by  working 
marvels  through  his  servants.  Proof  that  he  is  with 
them  is  found  in  their  ability  to  interpret  dreams,  in 
the  marvels  of  the  fiery  furnace,  of  the  lions^  den,  the 
physical  beauty  of  the  Jewish  youths,  and  the  writing 


294  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


on  the  wall.  Yahweh’s  interest  in  the  race  is  assured 
by  the  honors  that  came  to  Daniel  and  his  companions 
in  the  captivity. 

Only  such  narratives  could  well  cheer  those  who 
were  mercilessly  persecuted  during  the  days  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes  and  who  then  suffered  the  most  ap¬ 
palling  martyrdom  for  faithfulness  to  their  ritual.  It 
may  be  difficult  for  us  to  appreciate  tales  that  are  so 
far  removed  from  the  happenings  of  everyday  life, 
yet  when  we  pause  to  think,  we  remember  not  only 
that  similar  narratives  console  every  persecuted 
people,  but  the  stories  themselves  are  usually  the 
product  of  abnormal  and  feverish  conditions.  It  re¬ 
quires  only  a  little  imagination  to  perceive  that  litera¬ 
ture  of  this  type  helped  to  keep  alive  the  faith  and 
the  piety  of  many  of  the  Israelites  during  the  closing 
centuries  of  the  prechristian  era. 

3,  Liturgy 

The  clash  of  arms  here,  as  not  infrequently,  stirred 
up  the  poets  as  well  as  the  soldiers.  We  can  well  be¬ 
lieve  that  in  this  virile  age,  when  the  temple  was  so 
central  to  the  life  of  all  the  people,  when  so  many 
Jews  at  home  and  abroad  were  so  zealous  in  the  affairs 
of  religion,  many  psalms  may  have  been  written.  The 
fact  that  we  have  a  group  of  seventeen  religious  songs 
in  the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  written  about  63  b.c.,  is 
ample  evidence  that  there  was  no  dearth  at  this  time 
of  sweet  singers  in  Israel.  Since  the  early  Christian 
centuries,  however,  it  has  been  thought  by  many  that 
Psalms  xliv.,  Ixxiv.,  Ixxix.,  at  least,  belong  to  the  Mac- 
cabean  times.  Many  would  add  a  very  large  number 
to  this,  in  fact,  some  find  the  second  century  b.c.  the 
time  of  a  great  outburst  of  religious  song,  which  pro¬ 
duced  most  of  the  psalms  we  now  possess.  This  seems 
to  be  going  beyond  the  facts  of  the  case. 


295 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

That  these  were  days  of  editorial  activity,  however, 
seems  certain.  Book  I  of  the  Psalms  we  have  already 
discussed  (p.  274).  Books  II  and  III  form  another 
unit  exhibiting  quite  definite  characteristics.  It  is 
an  Elohistic  compilation  and  is  nationalistic  in  its  out¬ 
look.  It  is  composed  of  three  units,  li-lxxii,  assigned 
to  David;  xlii.-lxix.,  which  are  attributed  to  the  sons 
of  Korah;  1.,  Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.,  which  bear  the  title  to 
Asaph;  and  an  appendix  Ixxxiv.-lxxxix.,  in  which  the 
name  Yahweh  is  frequently  used,  and  David,  the  sons 
of  Korah,  and  Ethan  are  referred  to  in  the  super¬ 
scriptions.  Here,  as  in  Book  I,  it  is  evident  that  the 
superscriptions  are  the  work  of  editors,  and  they  do 
not  always  convince  us  of  infallibility.  The  ^^sons  of 
Korah’^  cannot  be  taken  as  individual  authorship. 
Korah  and  Asaph  were  leaders  of  the  temple  singing 
in  the  time  of  the  chronicler  (I  Chr.  xv.  16,  17;  Ezra 
ii.  41),  and  the  title  here  perhaps  gives  us  a  suggestion 
of  the  time  when  these  two  groups  were  compiled. 
Certainly  some  of  the  psalms  that  here  have  the  title 
^To  David’^  have  historical  experiences  in  the  back¬ 
ground,  and  express  religious  ideals  that  belong  to 
centuries  later  than  that  of  the  great  king  (cf.  Ps.  li. 
18-19;  Ixix.  33-36).  While  psalms  such  as  Ixxiv.,  Ixxix., 
xliv.  and  others  suggest  authorship  in  the  Maccabean 
times,  it  is  possible  that  the  groups  that  compose  these 
two  books  were  brought  together  in  the  early  part  of 
the  Greek  period,  though  we  have  neither  internal  nor 
external  evidence  that  permits  of  any  final  judgment. 

Books  IV  and  V  were  the  last  collection  and 
naturally  include  most  of  the  latest  psalms.  None  of 
them  have  musical  terms  attached,  and  most  of  them 
are  anonymous.  It  has  made  use  of  earlier  collections 
as  cxx.-cxxxiv.,  which  has  been  called  the  ^dittle  Psal¬ 
ter  of  the  Pilgrims,’^  and  has  included,  no  doubt,  some 
that  were  centuries  old  (cf.  cxxxvii.,  cxxvi.).  Many 
were  written  expressly  for  temple  worship  and  are  of 


296  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


a  purely  liturgical  nature  (cf.  cxlvi.-cL).  Some  are 
the  outpouring  of  personal  experience,  which  is 
scarcely  surpassed  anywhere  in  the  Psalter  (cf.  xc., 
xci.).  Most  breathe  an  air  of  confidence  that  nothing 
could  quench,  and  are  in  the  most  vital  sense  Messi¬ 
anic  (cf.  xciii.,  xcviii.,  xcix.,  cxxi.,  cxv.,  cx.).  One 
chants  the  glories  of  nature,  which  is  a  Grecian  rather 
than  a  Hebrew  trait  (civ.),  while  another  rehearses  the 
marvels  in  national  history  (cv.).  The  law  is  magni¬ 
fied  as  none  but  a  spirit  akin  to  the  Chasidim  could  do, 
(cf.  cxix.)  and  again  vengeance  is  called  down  on  all 
enemies  (cf.  cix.,  cxxix.,  xciv.).  Yahweh  alone  is  ex¬ 
alted  and  idols  are  nothing  (cxv.,  cxxxv.).  He  is 
righteous,  but  also  forgiving;  everywhere,  yet  pecu¬ 
liarly  near  his  people,  these  are  the  oft  reiterated 
notes.  It  is  not  likely  that  these  books  were  collected 
in  their  present  form  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the 
second  century  b.c. 

While  they  are  more  ritualistic  and  less  personal 
than  Book  I,  we  have  here  a  rich  collection  of  songs, 
most  of  which  are  adapted  to  express  the  religious 
emotions  of  a  congregation.  The  fact  that  the  five 
books  of  psalms  were  used  by  the  priestly  party,  of 
which  the  Pharisees  were  the  leaders,  helps  us  to  be¬ 
lieve  that  a  deep  spirituality  and  a  profound  religious 
experience  was  the  possession  of  many  who  were  most 
earnest  in  obeying  the  injunctions  of  the  law. 

4.  Apocalypticism 

Among  the  diverse  literary  products  of  this  era 
apocalypticism  is  assuredly  one  of  the  most  important. 
The  weird,  unreal  world  of  Zephaniah  i.  14-18,  Ezekiel 
xxxvii.-xxxix.,  and  Isaiah  lix.,  Iviii.,  takes  on  in  a  more 
marked  degree  the  apocalyptic  coloring  in  Isaiah  xxiv.- 
xxvii.  The  feverishness  that  pervades  this  section  is 
apocalyptic,  though  not  all  the  forms  are  yet  fully 


297 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

developed.  A  terror  of  supernatural  origin  is  about 
to  break  forth  on  the  nations  (Isa.  xxiv.  1,  19;  xxv, 
6-8) ;  symbols  are  used  to  conceal  the  meaning  (Isa. 
xxvii.  1);  last  things  form  an  important  part  of  the 
hope  (Isa.  xxvi.  19-21);  and  Yahweh  is  about  to  cele¬ 
brate  his  great  sacrifice  in  Mount  Zion  (xxiv.  21-23; 
xxv.  6-8).  The  angelology  (Isa.  xxiv.  21;  xxv.  4)  and 
the  idea  of  individual  resurrection,  which  here  appears 
for  the  first  time  in  the  Old  Testament,  are  conceptions 
that  belong  most  probably  to  the  end  of  the  Persian 
period.  Many  of  the  people  are  scattered  abroad  (Isa. 
xxvii.  12,  13),  and  those  who  are  in  Jerusalem  are  dis¬ 
tressed  and  afflicted  by  strangers  (Isa.  xxv.  1-5;  xxvi. 

13) ,  and  are  ruled  over  by  priests  (Isa.  xxiv.  2).  The 
idea  of  the  resurrection  of  the  individual  Israelite  is  a 
distinct  advance  in  the  solution  of  the  moral  order  of 
the  world.  Hitherto  rewards  and  punishments  be¬ 
longed  to  this  world.  But  many,  as  for  example.  Job, 
found  it  hard  to  reconcile  this  theory  with  the  facts 
of  experience.  Sheol  to  the  early  Hebrews  was  but 
a  dim  underworld  in  which  there  was  but  feeble  con¬ 
sciousness  and  no  moral  distinctions.  Now  comes  some 
light,  though  there  is  immortality  for  the  Israelite 
only  and  not  for  the  heathen  (Isa.  xxvi.  19;  cf.  xxvi. 

14) . 

The  wealth  of  historical,  literary,  and  theological 
material  in  this  booklet  points  very  definitely  to  an 
origin  at  the  beginning  of  the  Greek  period.  The 
sufferings  of  the  people  agree  with  the  conditions  in 
the  closing  years  of  the  Persian  dominancy.  The  con¬ 
vulsions  that  shook  the  world  when  Alexander 
marched  against  the  eastern  world-lords  in  333  b.c.  are 
reechoed  in  many  parts  of  the  book.  The  evidence 
thus  seems  to  point  very  definitely  to  the  years  333- 
331  B.c.  as  the  time  of  the  writing  of  this  vision. 

A  careful  study  of  these  chapters  shows  us  that  we 
have  a  lengthy  apocalyptic  poem,  Isa.  xxiv.,  xxv.  6-8; 


298  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


xxvi.  20-21;  xxvii.  1,  12,  13,  which  is  a  unit  and  should 
be  read  continuously.  The  remainder  divides  itself 
easily  into  a  number  of  poems,  in  different  meters,  on 
different  though  somewhat  related  topics,  xxv.  1-5, 
9-21;  xxvi.  1-19;  xxvii.  2-5,  6-11.  The  message 
of  the  apocalypse  is  very  simple  and  very  comforting 
as  well.  Like  all  apocalyptic  writing  it  was  for  people 
in  distress.  In  lurid  terms  it  declares  that  the  enemies 
are  going  to  be  mercilessly  destroyed  and  Israel,  those 
in  Egypt  and  those  beyond  the  Euphrates,  will  be 
brought  back  so  that  they  may  worship  in  Jerusalem, 
and  they  shall  blossom  and  bud  and  fill  the  face 
of  the  earth  with  fruit  (Isa.  xxvii.  12,  13).  The 
main  thought  of  the  poems  is  very  similar.  It  was 
voices  such  as  these  that  steeled  the  hearts  of  the 
faithful  to  still  trust  in  God  through  centuries  of 
desolation. 

Zechariah  ix.-xiv.  also  is  held  by  an  ever-increasing 
number  of  students  to  belong  to  the  Greek  period. 
Language,  thoughts,  and  historical  allusion  fit  here  as 
no  other  place.  The  Jews  now  have  no  king  and  are 
widely  dispersed,  though  Egypt  seems  to  be  their  chief 
rendezvous  (Zech.  x.  2,  10;  xiv.  18,  19).  Foreign 
rulers  and  heathen  peoples  have  oppressed  them 
(Zech.  X.  3).  The  Greeks  are  actually  mentioned  in 
the  present  text  and  seem  to  be  among  the  enemies 
(Zech.  ix.  13).  Jewish  prisoners  have  actually  been 
released,  and  further  restoration  is  expected  (Zech. 
ix.  11-16).  A  narrow  legalism,  intensely  interested  in 
feasts  and  sacrifices,  pervades  some  of  the  sections 
(Zech.  xiii.  1;  xiv.  1^21).  Prophets  are  no  longer 
worthy  spokesmen  for  Yahweh  (Zech.  xiii.  2). 
Apocalypticism  is  considerably  developed  (xii.,  xiv.), 
and  no  less  determinative  is  the  fact  that  the  writers 
reveal  a  familiarity  with  the  older  Scriptures  as  Amos, 
Ezekiel,  II  Isaiah,  Deuteronomy,  and  the  Psalms. 
These  are  so  laid  under  tribute  as  to  suggest  that 


299 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

these  chapters  come  from  a  period  when  Scripture  was 
eagerly  studied. 

It  is  possible  we  have  here  the  work  of  more  than 
one  author.  We  have  two  definite  superscriptions, 
one  in  ix.  1  and  the  other  xii.  1.  We  find  two  quite 
different  outlooks,  one  hopeful,  ix.  11 — xi.  3,  and  the 
other  pessimistic,  xi.  4-17;  xiii.  7-9.  We  have  two 
types  of  literature,  prophecy,  ix.  1 — xi.  17;  xiii.  7-9, 
and  apocalypticism,  xii.  1— xiii.  6;  xiv.  1-21.  How¬ 
ever,  most  of  it  seems  to  have  originated  in  the  clos¬ 
ing  decades  of  the  third  century  b.c.  The  clemency  of 
Ptolemy  II  to  the  Jews  must  have  aroused  great  hopes 
among  them.  His  successor,  Ptolemy  III  (247-222 
B.C.),  was  likewise  their  friend  and  is  reported  to  have 
offered  rich  sacrifice  at  the  Jerusalem  temple.  But 
when  Joseph,  the  taxgatherer,  gained  power  in  230 
B.C.,  and  Ptolemy  IV  came  to  the  throne  in  222  b.c., 
conditions  changed,  and  the  lot  of  the  Jew  was  a  most 
unhappy  one.  It  seems  probable  that  it  was  between 
240  and  210  b.c.  that  an  optimist,  a  pessimist,  and  an 
apocalypticist,  each  made  an  important  contribution 
to  the  Old  Testament  literature. 

The  first  division  of  the  book,  ix.-xi.,  to  which 
should  be  added  xiii.  7-9,  which  is  foreign  to  its  con¬ 
text  but  forms  a  perfect  conclusion  to  this  section,  is 
easily  interpreted.  The  neighboring  nations  are 
threatened  with  coming  destruction,  but  Yahweh  will 
encamp  round  about  his  house  so  that  no  oppressor 
shall  pass  through.  Then  the  long  promised  kingdom, 
its  center  in  Jerusalem,  its  boundaries  those  of  ancient 
dreams  or  perhaps  those  of  the  empire  of  Alexander, 
its  king,  the  teacher  rather  than  the  booted-warrior 
with  blood-stained  garments,  riding  on  an  ass  not  on  a 
war  charger,  this,  the  hope  of  past  centuries,  is  about 
to  be  realized  (ix.  1-10).  These  verses  correspond  to 
the  conditions  and  the  hope  that  we  have  seen  be¬ 
longed  to  the  days  following  the  conquests  of  Alexan- 


300  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


der.  Then  follows  the  declaration  that  prisoners  have 
been  liberated  (cf.  p.  282),  others  will  soon  gain  their 
freedom,  and  a  great  conquest  awaits  them,  for  Yah- 
weh  will  make  Zion  as  the  sword  of  a  mighty  man,  and 
will  punish  those  rulers  that  have  been  oppressive 
(ix.  11 — xi.  3).  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  ideal  has 
changed  and  now  is  that  of  the  warrior  and  not  that 
of  the  teacher  (cf.  ix.  13-15;  x.  3-5).  Following  this 
optimistic  outburst  which  we  conceive  to  have  been 
written  in  the  days  immediately  following  the  benign 
policy  of  Ptolemy  II  and  Ptolemy  III,  perhaps  to¬ 
wards  the  middle  of  Ptolemy  Ill’s  reign,  we  have  one 
of  great  pessimism  (xi.  4-17;  xiii.  7-9).  Joseph,  the 
taxgatherer,  and  then  his  illegitimate  son,  Hyrcanus, 
were  the  representatives  of  Egypt,  and  the  real  rulers 
of  Judea  from  230  to  175  b.c.,  and  Ptolemy  IV  had  re¬ 
versed  the  policy  of  his  predecessors  and  had  robbed, 
insulted,  and  degraded  the  Jews. 

These  are  two  parables,  in  which  under  the  guise 
of  a  shepherd,  the  prophet  plays  the  role  of  the  king 
of  Egypt.  The  first  is  that  of  Ptolemy  IV,  the  care¬ 
less  shepherd  (xi.  4-14).  The  Egyptian  king  has 
farmed  out  the  fiock  to  Joseph,  and  considers  himself 
innocent  as  their  own  shepherds,  Joseph  and  his 
minions,  show  no  pity.  Indeed,  Yahweh  has  handed 
them  over  to  slaughter,  and  no  remedy  seems  to  be  in 
sight.  The  worth  of  such  a  shepherd  as  is  the  king 
of  Egypt  is  but  the  price  of  a  slave,  is  the  cynical 
estimate  of  the  writer  (xi.  12).  The  second  parable 
presents  the  same  king  as  the  worthless  shepherd  (xi. 
15-17;  xiii.  7-9).  He  does  not  look  after  the  lost  or 
seek  the  scattered,  he  only  devours  and  tramples,  and 
hence  he  shall  be  punished  by  sword  and  plague.  The 
sheep  shall  be  scattered,  and  only  a  remnant  shall  be 
saved. 

The  second  section,  xii.  1 — -xiii.  6;  xiv.  1-20,  belongs 
to  approximately  the  same  time  as  the  last  (210  b.c.). 


301 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

or  a  little  later.  In  these  years  Judah  turned  joyously 
to  the  Syrian  kings,  who  were  bearing  down  on  Egj^t, 
and  who  in  198  b.c.  finally  drove  her  out  of  Palestine. 
The  chief  elements  of  apocalypticism  are  found  here. 
The  nations  are  to  be  overthrown.  Jerusalem  will  be 
in  the  center  of  the  battle  and  will  suffer  grievously, 
but  Yahweh  himself  will  come  with  his  host  of  angels, 
and  shall  conquer  and  then  completely  transform  the 
city,  and  the  whole  earth  shall  be  subject  to  him.  He 
shall  reign  as  king,  all  the  pomp  of  ritual  shall  be 
established  in  the  temple,  and  all  the  nations  shall 
come  up  to  Jerusalem  for  feast  and  sacrifice,  or  shall 
be  annihilated.  Surely  this  was  a  blaze  of  coming 
glory  that  consoled  many  to  whom  the  regime  of 
Joseph  and  his  master,  Ptolemy,  permitted  no  com¬ 
fort.  Men  and  women,  distraught  by  the  merciless 
methods  used  for  the  iniquitous  extortion,  and  de¬ 
graded  to  the  position  of  the  lowest  menials — only 
such  could  fail  to  shudder  at  the  horrors  this  vision 
visited  on  the  people  (Zech.  xiv.  12-15). 

Daniel  ii.,  vii.-xii.  is  a  still  more  perfect  piece  of  pure 
apocalyptic.  It  has,  in  fact,  all  the  characteristics,  and 
belongs  to  a  very  important  body  of  writings,  most  of 
which  have  become  accessible  only  during  our  own 
generation.  More  than  a  dozen  such  treatises,  all 
pseudepigraphic,  most  of  them  narrating  past  history 
but  using  the  future  tense,  thus  putting  well-known 
occurrences  back  into  the  lips  of  ancient  worthies,  all 
of  them  eschatological,  and  all  bearing  a  remarkable 
resemblance  to  Daniel,  were  written  after  200  b.c.  We 
need  not  hesitate  to  follow  the  evidence  in  the  book 
of  Daniel,  and  believe  that  this  book  belongs  to  this 
larger  group  and  was  written  between  167  and  165  b.c. 

It  was  a  most  compelling  message.  Written  during 
the  Maccabean  struggle,  it  gave  in  cryptic  form  a 
sketch  of  international  events  since  the  time  of 
Nebuchadrezzar.  In  chapters  ii.,  vii.,  viii.  we  have  two 


302  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


visions  that  are  parallel  and  are  easy  of  interpretation. 
The  first  kingdom  symbolized  by  the  golden  head  and 
the  lion  with  eagle’s  wings  is  the  Babylonian  (Dan.  ii. 
36-38;  vii.  4).  The  second,  that  symbolized  by  the 
silver  breast  and  arms,  and  the  bear  with  three  ribs 
in  its  mouth,  is  the  supposed  kingdom  of  the  Medes 
(Dan.  ii.  39;  vii.  5).  The  third  kingdom  is  Persia,  and 
is  represented  by  the  bronze  belly  and  thighs,  and  the 
leopard  with  wings  (Dan.  ii.  39;  vii.  6),  while  the  iron 
legs  and  toes  of  the  image,  the  beast  with  iron  teeth 
and  ten  horns,  and  the  goat  with  one  horn  followed 
by  four  others,  out  from  which  came  the  little  horn, 
represents  the  Greek  kingdom  (Dan.  ii.  40-43;  vii.  7, 
8;  viii.  5-8). 

Chapter  xi.  of  Daniel  is  one  of  the  most  interesting 
as  well  as  valuable  in  the  book  to  the  historian.  In 
it  we  find  a  wealth  of  detail,  that  without  using  names 
or  dates  reveals  a  most  intimate  knowledge  of  much 
of  the  Syrian  and  Egyptian  history  from  336  b.c.  down 
to  167  B.c.  Only  the  careful  study  of  this  chapter 
with  the  aid  of  the  best  commentary  can  do  justice 
to  the  writer,  and  convince  us  of  the  accuracy  of  his 
information.  These  visions  and  this  history  are  but 
the  prelude  to  the  confidence  that  the  author  has  in¬ 
geniously  deduced  from  Jeremiah’s  seventy  years,  that 
‘The  end”  is  at  hand.  It  seems  that  the  idea  in  II 
Chronicles  xxxvi.  21,  “to  fulfill  the  word  of  Jeremiah 
until  the  land  had  enjoyed  her  sabbath,”  gave  the  key 
to  the  time  of  the  end  to  the  author.  He  concluded 
that  the  years  were  “week  years,”  and  that  the  end 
was  already  on  the  horizon  (Dan.  ix.  24).  From  the 
time  of  the  cessation  of  the  continual  burnt  offering 
on  December  15,  168  b.c.,  it  is  only  a  time  and  times 
and  a  half  time  (vii.  25),  or  only  2300  evenings  and 
mornings,  that  is  1150  days  (viii.  14),  until  the  wor¬ 
ship  of  the  temple  will  be  restored.  It  was  actually 
reinstated  on  December  25,  165  b.c.  (cf.  xii.  7,  11,  12). 


303 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.  We  may  be  unable 
to  locate  the  exact  day  on  which  the  1150,  the  1290, 
and  the  1335  days  (xii.  11,  12)  were  by  the  author 
supposed  to  meet.  The  text  may  even  have  suffered 
an  addition,  but  we  cannot  escape  the  conviction  that 
the  first  readers  expected  the  immediate  realization 
of  the  promised  kingdom. 

The  story  of  the  divine  deliverances  of  Daniel  and 
his  companions  because  of  their  loyalty  to  their  re¬ 
ligion,  and  this  prediction  of  the  coming  kingdom, 
coupled  with  the  fact  that  Judas  Maccabeus  was 
actually  achieving  triumphs  more  marvelous  than 
legend  could  picture,  all  together  must  have  called  for 
a  new  loyalty  and  a  more  frenzied  self-abandon  in  the 
cause  of  Judaism.  It  is  no  wonder  that  with  literature 
like  this  read  by  eager  people  the  armies  of  the  Syrians 
should  be  driven  back  by  the  fury  of  the  onslaught, 
the  holy  city  should  be  taken  from  the  enemy,  the 
temple  purified,  and  the  sacrifice  reestablished.  An 
immediate  end  was  achieved.  Yahweh  was  proved 
able  and  willing  to  deliver  his  people,  and  faith  in 
him  was  surely  established  in  many  a  wavering  mind. 

A  further  purpose,  however,  was  served  by  this  book. 
It  is  apocalyptic,  but  it  is  no  less  legalistic.  The 
author  belonged  also  to  that  band  of  teachers  who 
sought  to  turn  many  to  righteousness  (Dan.  xii.  3; 
xi.  33).  He  was  in  sympathy  with  the  ‘‘saints  of  the 
Most  High’^  (Dan.  vii.  18,  22,  25,  27)  and  with  the 
holy  people  (Dan.  xii.  7),  and  both  of  these  terms  hint 
at  the  existence  of  a  group  of  separatists.  The  purifi¬ 
cation  of  the  people  (Dan.  xii.  10),  which  could  be 
attained  only  through  fasting,  keeping  the  command¬ 
ments,  observing  the  law  of  Moses,  all  of  which  were 
closely  related  to  the  temple  worship  (Dan.  ix.  3-18), 
was  the  only  means  of  deliverance.  Hence  the  temple 
and  the  law  were  the  summum  honum  of  true  religion. 

Like  so  much  literature  of  this  period,  it  also  sug- 


304  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


gested  a  solution  for  the  sufferings  of  the  holy  people, 
and  a  reason  for  the  delay  of  the  promised  redemption. 
The  answer  was  twofold.  The  apostasy  of  the  people, 
the  lack  of  loyalty  to  the  law  lay  in  the  background 
of  the  mind  of  the  writer  as  in  part  the  cause  of  the 
national  tragedy.  But  like  Plato,  perhaps  influenced 
by  his  philosophy  which  must  have  been  widely 
studied  at  this  time,  he  believed  that  the  destiny  of 
the  nations  of  the  earth  was  determined  by  forces  in 
the  spiritual  world  such  as  their  representative  angels 
(Dan.  X.  13,  20,  21).  Great  warfare  existed  in  heaven, 
and  the  angel  of  Persia  was  in  conflict  with  the  angel  of 
the  Jews,  and  delayed  events  on  the  earth;  then  the 
angel  of  Greece  interfered,  and  the  delay  was  contin¬ 
ued  (Dan.  X.  13,  20;  xii.  1). 

To  this  rather  inadequate  solution,  though  indeed 
a  logical  deduction  from  its  type  of  supernaturalism, 
that  the  supernatural  hierarchies  are  finally  re¬ 
sponsible  for  national  movements  and  human  responsi¬ 
bility  is  shouldered  off  on  the  divine,  was  added  the 
idea  of  a  blessed  immortality  for  the  saints  (Dan.  xii. 
2,  3).  The  solution  of  the  moral  problem  of  rewards 
and  punishments,  which  had  given  so  many  earlier 
religious  leaders  real  dijficulty,  producing  practical 
atheism  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  most  vital  faith 
on  the  other,  was  now  pushed  over  into  the  next  world, 
and  the  idea  of  rewards  and  punishments  in  the  future 
life  was  accepted.  From  early  days  the  Hebrews  be¬ 
lieved  in  a  future  existence,  but  it  was  shadowy,  blood¬ 
less,  and  non-moral,  now  it  was  transformed  into  a 
moral  world.  The  faith  of  those  who  were  martyrs 
for  their  religion  helped  to  light  up  the  dark  beyond 
to  all  generations  (cf.  II  Mac.  vi.  18 — vii.  42). 

And  ^The  time  of  the  end,'^  what  of  it?  The  writer 
who  knew  events  so  accurately  from  300  b.c.  down  to 
167  B.c.  finds  his  way  forward  with  very  faltering  step. 
The  temple  worship  was  restored,  but  not  in  the  1150 


305 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

days,  or  the  1290  days,  or  the  3%  years  predicted 
(Dan.  viii.  14;  xii.  11;  ix.  27).  Antiochus,  of  course, 
died,  but  neither  how  nor  when  the  writer  believed  he 
should  (Dan.  xi.  40-45).  No  doubt  there  were  evi¬ 
dences  that  Antiochus  was  gathering. a  force  by  which 
he  might  avenge  himself  on  the  Egyptians  (Dan.  xi. 
40-43),  but  affairs  in  the  east  attracted  him,  and  his¬ 
tory  knows  of  no  attack  on  Egypt  after  168  b.c.  No 
doubt  it  would  have  been  the  correct  thing  in  a  world 
of  law  and  order  that  Antiochus  should  have  set  up  his 
tent  between  the  ^^sea  and  the  glorious  holy  moun¬ 
tain,”  and  that  there,  the  center  of  his  infamy,  he 
‘^should  come  to  his  end.”  Historical  facts  do  not 
always  follow  the  pathway  of  theoretic  justice,  and  in 
this  case  we  know  that  the  culprit  died  in  Tabae  in  the 
land  of  Persia  (I  Mac.  vi.  5-17). 

Victories  were  gained  by  the  Jews,  but  the  price 
was  terrific,  and  neither  was  the  enemy  subdued,  nor 
did  the  kingdom  come.  The  forty  years  of  the  high- 
priesthood  under  Simon  and  John  Hyrcanus  (143- 
105  B.c.)  were  the  only  possible  approximation  to  it. 
Then  the  fortunes  of  the  Jews  waned  more  and  more 
till  their  final  eclipse  in  70  a.d.  These  hopes,  built  on 
a  literal  interpretation  of  the  ancient,  prophetic  mes¬ 
sages  and  looking  for  a  material  kingdom,  never  ma¬ 
terialized,  but  a  kingdom  of  justice  and  good  will,  of 
peace  and  love,  a  world- wide  kingdom  is  slowly  ful¬ 
filling  the  spirit  of  those  ancient  hopes. 

5,  The  Relation  to  Greek  Culture  and  Life 

The  narrow,  legalistic  group  was  perhaps  the  most 
intense  if  not  the  largest  in  these  days.  There  were 
many,  however,  who  were  not  apostates  to  the  true 
religion,  who  were  most  kindly  disposed  towards  many 
of  the  Greek  people,  as  well  as  to  some  aspects  of  the 
new  culture.  The  diaspora,  who  had  close  social  and 


306  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


business  contacts  with  the  Greeks,  learned  from  ex¬ 
perience  that  they  were  not  all  bad  nor  were  their 
ways  all  unrighteous.  They  had  to  concede  that  ^^a 
good  Greek  was  better  than  a  bad  Jew.’^  So,  un¬ 
consciously,  much  of  the  Greek  thought  must  have 
been  absorbed  by  those  who  were  in  daily  contact  with 
their  masters. 

Proselytizing — If  knowledge  of  the  Greek  brought 
with  it  a  healthy  respect  for  the  man,  knowledge  of 
his  religion  taught  the  Jew  the  value  of  his  own.  This 
kindled  anew  the  missionary  flame  in  many  hearts. 
The  Babylonian  captivity  had  intensified  an  earlier 
sense  of  obligation  to  other  nations,  and  the  writer 
of  the  ^‘Servant  Songs’’  had  been  the  great  exponent 
of  this  ideal.  During  the  Persian  period  we  hear  now 
and  then  a  voice  that  was  conscious  that  ^^my  house 
shall  be  called  a  house  of  prayer  for  all  peoples.”  But 
the  logical  outcome  of  the  ideal,  and  the  ability  to 
put  it  into  practice,  did  not  fully  arrive  till  the  wide 
dispersion  of  Jews  in  the  Greek  era.  Now  a  holy 
enthusiasm  stirred  many  to  impart  the  sacred  truths 
of  their  religion  to  the  Gentile.  The  response  was 
gratifying.  The  doctrine  of  the  unity  of  God,  the 
practice  of  sabbath  rest  and  assembly,  the  freedom 
from  ritual  everywhere  outside  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
appeal  to  the  written  word,  together  with  the  liberty 
that  was  granted  to  proselytes,  made  a  strong  appeal 
to  many  high-minded  Greeks. 

The  Septuagint—T^o  important  works  contributed 
to  this  movement,  and  in  part  were  the  product  of  it. 
The  Septuagint  stands  first.  This  was  the  work  of 
Alexandrian  Jews.  The  translation  of  the  Pentateuch 
was  first  undertaken  and  that  not  earlier  than  250  b.c. 
The  other  books  were  translated  later,  at  different 
times  by  various  scholars.  The  whole  was  completed 
perhaps  not  earlier  than  100  b.c.  It  served  a  twofold 
purpose.  It  gave  many  Jews,  who  by  this  time  had 


307 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

lost  the  use  of  the  Hebrew  language,  access  to  the 
Scriptures  in  their  vernacular.  It  is  believed,  how¬ 
ever,  that  the  missionary  motive  was  not  absent  from 
the  scheme.  Certain  characteristic  features,  as  the 
omission  of  marked  anthropomorphisms,  would  help 
to  make  it  attractive  to  the  Greek  mind.  At  any  rate, 
throughout  much  of  the  Greek  domain,  if  not  indeed 
in  Palestine  itself,  it  must  have  been  a  most  important 
aUy  in  this  propaganda. 

Jonah — To  this  may  be  added  that  which  is  recog¬ 
nized  to  be  the  most  definitely  missionary  book  in  the 
canon,  the  book  of  Jonah.  The  date  of  its  writing  is 
difficult  to  determine,  but  as  a  call  to  a  missionary 
service  it  is  worthy  of  a  leading  place  in  such  an  under¬ 
taking.  Indeed  it  does  double  duty,  for  as  a  protest 
against  an  unwholesome  racial  intolerance  it  must 
have  ministered  a  rebuke  to  the  growing  Jewish 
legalism. 

The  literary  form  is  picturesque  and  imaginative, 
but  no  more  so  than  much  of  the  Oriental  literature. 
In  the  form  of  a  simple  story,  in  which  an  element  of 
the  marvelous  adds  to  the  fascination,  a  profound 
religious  truth  is  so  told  that  none  but  the  dullest  can 
fail  to  remember  it  and  be  impressed.  To  Judaism  it 
had  an  immediate  application,  hence  the  grip  of  the 
theme  it  illustrated.  In  Jonah  the  nation  was  personi¬ 
fied,  and  national  history  was  interpreted  in  the  guise 
of  his  experiences.  Yahweh,  because  of  his  revelation 
to  them,  had  called  his  people  to  a  great  missionary 
service,  but  they  had  failed  to  respond.  He  had 
punished  them  by  the  captivity.  When  they  had 
repented  he  had  rescued  them,  and  had  again  com¬ 
missioned  them  to  be  the  light  to  the  Gentiles.  This 
they  had  most  reluctantly  undertaken,  but  even  in 
the  most  unexpected  places  many  had  repented  and 
accepted  Yahweh.  The  two  vital  principles  of  religion 
so  pointedly  stated  in  the  book,  viz.,  the  world-wide 


308  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


missionary  obligation  of  the  people  of  God,  and  the 
loving  care  of  God  over  even  the  most  hated  alien, 
have  unfortunately  often  been  obscured  by  our  effort 
to  reduce  poetry  to  prose  and  Oriental  imagery  to 
history.  The  basis  of  the  story  lies  in  a  religious  con¬ 
ception  that  is  more  valid  than  any  mere  historical 
occurrence  could  be. 

Greek  ideas  and  outlook,  however,  captured  some 
of  the  Jews.  The  Greeks  were  the  philosophers  of 
the  world,  and  this  was  the  age  of  reflection.  The 
Jews  were  more  interested  in  morals  than  in  abstract 
thought,  yet  they  could  not  all  escape  the  atmosphere 
in  which  they  breathed.  As  their  national  hopes  had 
waned,  the  ideal  of  a  religious  community  had  gained 
the  ascendancy.  They  were  fast  becoming  a  nation 
of  teachers,  and  thus  they  could  not  ignore,  even  if 
they  wished  to,  the  current  thought  of  their  masters. 
Not  only  had  they  learned  the  language  of  their  con¬ 
querors,  but  not  a  few  of  their  philosophic  conclusions 
had  become  their  possession.  Books  such  as  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  the  Psalms  of 
Solomon,  and  many  of  the  apocalyptic  visions  written 
by  the  Jews  from  200  b.c.  on,  show  decided  traces  of 
the  subtle  influences  of  Greek  speculation  and  ideals. 

Proverhs—Th^  book  of  Proverbs,  which  in  many 
ways  shows  the  influences  of  Greek  age,  belongs  to 
the  ^Wisdom  literature”  of  the  Hebrews.  This  type 
was  very  ancient,  in  the  Old  Testament  going  back  at 
least  as  early  as  Jotham  and  Samson.  By  the  time  of 
Jeremiah  there  was  a  class  of  more  or  less  importance 
who,  because  of  their  use  and  mastery  of  this  literary 
method,  were  known  as  the  ^Wise”  (Jer.  xviii.  18). 
In  the  prophets  we  And  not  a  few  passages  that  may 
be  rightly  called  wisdom  literature  {e.g,,  Mic.  ii.  l-A; 
vi.  6”8;  Isa.  v.  1-5;  xxviii.  23-29;  Jer.  xxxi.  21;  Ezek. 
xvi.  24;  xix.  2-9,  etc.). 

But  as  we  read  the  present  collection,  one  of  the 


309 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

first  things  we  note  is  the  exceedingly  few  references 
we  can  find  to  nomadic,  pastoral,  or  even  agricultural 
life  (Prov.  xi.  26;  xii.  10;  xxvii.  23-27).  This  is 
strange,  as  agriculture  remained  the  chief  industry  of 
the  majority  of  the  people  until  the  time  of  the  captiv¬ 
ity.  Commerce  is,  however,  the  language  of  the  book, 
and  apparently  the  large  majority  of  the  proverbs 
originated  when  all  the  joys  and  sorrows,  the  rewards 
as  well  as  the  accompanying  evils  of  world  trade,  were 
the  commonplaces  of  the  national  life  (Prov.  x.  15; 
xi.  28;  xii.  2;  xiv.  20;  xiii.  22;  xix.  1;  xxii.  2,  etc.). 
This  suggests  a  period  long  after  the  time  of  Solomon 
for  the  completion  of  the  book. 

But  the  ethical  and  the  religious  assumptions  are 
even  more  startling.  The  ethical  emphasis  of  the 
eighth-century  prophets  has  now  become  the  axiom 
of  conduct.  Monogamy  is  unquestioned.  The  mon¬ 
otheism  of  II  Isaiah  is  assumed.  The  individualism 
of  Jeremiah  is  an  established  principle,  and  the 
peculiarly  Jewish  accent  has  been  lost  in  the  note  of 
the  universal.  The  call  to  the  pursuit  of  wisdom  and 
the  implied  existence  of  schools  belongs  essentially  to 
the  days  of  Greek  rule.  Yet  the  ^Vise  men’’  cling 
tenaciously  to  the  Deuteronomic  orthodoxy  that  the 
^^good”  must  be  the  prosperous  and  the  ^Vicked”  must 
suffer. 

Even  more  conclusive  in  determining  the  date  is 
the  fact  of  language.  Hebrew  vocabulary  and  struc¬ 
ture  are  very  similar  to  that  of  Ecclesiasticus  (200 
B.C.),  and  if  language  has  a  history  it  belongs  to  essen¬ 
tially  the  same  period.  Thus  all  lines  converge  in  one 
direction,  viz.,  that  our  present  book  has  not  only  been 
enriched  by  men  who  lived  in  the  post-exile  period, 
but  for  the  collection  as  a  whole  we  are  likely  greatly 
indebted  to  the  Greek  age.  No  doubt  many  had  been 
handed  on  from  the  ancient  past  {e.g.,  Prov.  xiv.  35; 
xvi.  10,  12-15;  xx.  2,  8,  26,  28;  xxii.  11,  that  refer  to 


310  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  king,  most  naturally  come  from  the  days  of  the 
kings),  but  the  bulk  of  proverbs  as  well  as  the  collect¬ 
ing  of  them  would  seem  to  come  from  post-exile,  even 
from  Grecian  days. 

The  book  consists  of  a  number  of  collections. 
Proverbs  xxv.-xxix.  and  x.-xxii.  16  seem  to  be  the  two 
earliest  books.  Proverbs  xxii.  17 — xxiv.  perhaps  came 
later,  and  xxiv.  23-34  is  a  still  later  appendix. 
Proverbs  xxx.-xxxi.,  along  with  i.  7 — ix.,  shows  stiU 
more  of  the  influence  of  Greek  environment. 

It  thoroughly  approves  of  the  man  who  is  energetic 
in  business  and  shrewd  enough  to  drive  a  good  bar¬ 
gain.  It  is  utilitarian  rather  than  altruistic,  and  ex¬ 
presses  the  commercial  enterprise  the  Jew  manifested 
with  his  Greek  neighbors.  Yet  it  links  good  business 
up  with  religion,  ^The  fear  of  Yahweh  is  the  beginning 
of  knowledge.^ 

Proverbs  i.-ix. — The  first  division.  Proverbs  i.-ix.,  is 
the  introduction  to  the  other  collections,  and  is  the 
work  of  the  Greek  period.  Schools  of  instruction  were 
prevalent  throughout  the  land  (Prov.  ii.  1;  hi.  1;  iv.  1), 
the  call  to  reflection,  or  to  seek  wisdom  was  insistent 
(Prov.  i.  2-6;  ii.  2;  hi.  13;  iv.  7-9),  and  the  sins  to  be 
avoided  were  those  that  the  Jews  met  in  their  fiercest 
forms  during  these  years  (cf.  Prov.  i.  13,  19;  ii.  16;  hi. 
7,  25;  iv.  24;  v.  3,  4;  vi.  1,  16-19,  23-26;  vh.  5-23;  ix. 
13-18).  It  is  an  essay  rather  than  a  collection  of  prov¬ 
erbs,  and  unites  the  old  orthodoxy,  that  it  pays  to  be 
good  (cf.  Prov.  ii.  20-22;  hi.  1,  2,  9-10;  iv.  10),  with 
the  new  ideal,  that  the  search  after  wisdom,  or  the  fear 
of  God,  is  the  only  thing  worth  while  (Prov.  ii.  1-11; 
hi.  13-18;  iv.  5-‘9).  Its  tone  is  universal  rather  than 
racial,  and  ethical  rather  than  legal.  It  is  an  admirable 
efl’ort  to  put  Jewish  morals  and  religion  into  Greek 
philosophy. 

Wisdom — ^Wisdom’’  is  greatly  honored  by  a  number 
of  wise  men.  Four  chapters  should  be  compared.  Job 


311 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

xxviii.  concludes  that  wisdom  is  known  to  God  alone. 
Ecclesiasticus  xxiv.  says  that  wisdom  took  up  her  abode 
in  Israel  alone.  Proverbs  viii.  1-31  presents  wisdom 
as  the  companion  of  God  from  the  beginning,  and  as 
appealing  to  mankind  to  receive  her  instruction,  while 
in  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  (Wisd.  Sol.  vii.-viii.),  she 
is  “alone  in  kind,’’  “the  breath  of  the  power  of  God, 
and  the  clear  effulgence  of  his  glory.”  These  chapters, 
by  an  assimilation  more  or  less  complete  of  the  Greek 
logos  idea  have  brought  a  transcendent  God  into  a 
living  relation  with  the  world,  and  have  prepared 
the  way,  in  part  at  least,  for  the  logos  idea  of  the  New 
Testament. 

Proverbs  xxx.  1-4 — The  “words  of  Agur”  are  those 
of  an  agnostic  (Prov.  xxx.  1-4).  He  confesses  he  has 
no  knowledge,  or  wisdom,  or  understanding.  He  is 
indeed  brutish.  Then  he  turns  swiftly,  and  skeptically 
asks,  perhaps  in  the  face  of  a  good  deal  of  dogmatism, 
who  is  there  who  knows  anything  about  the  heavens, 
or  the  wind,  or  the  waters,  or  the  earth? 

This  and  i.-ix.  seem  to  be  the  latest  sections  in  the 
book.  It  is  very  probable  that  all  the  present  book 
was  brought  together  as  a  whole,  about  the  same  time 
as  the  kindred  work  of  Ecclesiasticus,  that  is,  shortly 
after  the  opening  of  the  second  century  b.c. 

Ecclesiastes — Ecclesiastes  shows,  if  not  something 
of  the  Greek  spirit,  then  something  of  the  spirit  of 
the  age.  The  “preacher,”  if  style  and  content  indicate 
the  time  of  the  composition,  wrote  in  the  Greek  period, 
perhaps  about  200  b.c.,  what  he  conceived  might  have 
been  the  judgment  of  a  man  with  the  broad  experience 
of  Solomon  (Ecc.  i.  12).  Yet  the  world  on  which  the 
author  looked  was  far  other  than  that  of  Solomon. 
Injustice  was  prevalent  (Ecc.  iii.  16;  iv.  1 ;  v.  8),  a  boy 
had  become  a  king  (Ecc.  iv.  13-16;  ix.  14;  x.  16),  and 
a  corrupt  government  ruled  the  land  (Ecc.  x.  20).  It 
was  a  blase  old  world  in  which  there  was  nothing  new, 


312  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


a  world  full  of  books  that  were  very  tedious  and  dry 
(Ecc.  xii.  12). 

The  substratum  of  the  book  has  as  its  theme,  ^dife 
is  scarcely  worth  while,  yet  as  one  must  live,  it  is  good 
to  live  not  overintensely ;  eat,  drink,  rejoice,  get  good, 
but  do  all  in  moderation.’^  It  is  in  spirit  closely  akin 
to  Stoicism,  the  noblest  philosophy  of  Greece  during 
those  centuries. 

Throughout  the  book  we  find  a  series,  or  rather  two 
series,  of  brief  passages  that  redeem  it  from  its  practi¬ 
cal  pessimism.  The  earliest  and  the  least  important 
passages  have  apparently  come  from  the  pen  of  a 
scribe  interested  in  proverbial  wisdom  (Ecc.  iv.  5;  v. 
3;  vii.  la,  3,  5,  6-9,  11,  12,  19;  viii.  1;  ix.  17,  18;  x.  1-3, 
8-14a,  15,  18,  19).  The  other  passages,  in  the  accents 
of  a  pious  lover  of  the  law,  challenge  the  reader  to 
^Tear  God  and  keep  his  commandments,  for  this  is 
the  whole  duty  of  man”  (Ecc.  ii.  26;  iii.  17;  vii.  18b, 
26b,  29;  viii.  5,  11-13;  xi.  9b;  xii.  la.  13-14). 

The  earliest  writer,  a  pessimist,  it  is  true,  was  one 
who  was  willing  to  face  life  at  its  worst,  and  play  the 
game,  though  not  very  strenuously.  He  sounded  a 
rather  somber  note,  but  it  appealed  to  many  as  a  true 
interpretation  of  real  life.  He  was  a  healthy  proto¬ 
type  of  Omar  Khayyam.  But  to  many  his  booklet 
must  have  seemed  open  to  the  charge  of  irreligion. 
It  lacked  both  passion  and  faith.  The  later  writers 
redeemed  it  from  any  accusation  of  impiety  or 
irreligion. 

Song  of  Solomon—The  Song  of  Solomon  may  also 
have  found  its  way  into  the  canon,  as  a  concession  to 
the  Greek  spirit.  This  little  book,  which  had  the 
greatest  difficulties  in  gaining  canonical  standing,  and 
then  was  prohibited  to  all  under  thirty  years  of  age, 
was  for  long  centuries  interpreted  by  the  Christian 
church  as  an  allegory  of  Christ  and  the  church,  his 
bride.  This  treatment  is  now  fast  losing  ground. 


313 


THE  GREEK  PERIOD,  332-135  B.C. 

Study  of  Syrian  literature  since  1873  has  brought  to 
the  western  world  a  knowledge  of  Oriental  marriage 
customs  and  a  number  of  Syrian  love  songs  that  throw 
a  new  light  on  this  collection.  Syrian  marriages  usu¬ 
ally  took  place  in  March,  and  the  bridal  couple  cele¬ 
brated  their  ^‘bridal  week’^  as  king  and  queen,  re¬ 
ceiving  the  homage  of  their  friends  and  being  the 
center  of  the  week’s  festivities.  Many  are  to-day  con¬ 
vinced  that  we  have  in  the  Song  of  Solomon  a  collec¬ 
tion  of  pure  love  songs  that  were  used  on  such  occa¬ 
sions.  A  similar  theme  is  celebrated  in  Psalm  xlv. 
These  love  songs  revel  in  the  beauties  of  nature,  in 
the  physical  charms  of  the  bride,  in  the  strength  of 
the  bridegroom,  in  the  delights  of  the  dance,  and  the 
raptures  of  love.  They  offer  us  a  glimpse  of  humanism 
in  the  midst  of  puritanism.  They  show  that  the  Jew 
as  well  as  the  Greek  could  love  the  beautiful  in  the 
physical  form  and  in  nature,  but  here,  at  least,  he  did 
not  let  it  sink  to  the  lewd  and  the  coarse.  If  some 
phrases  offend  our  ears,  we  should  compare  them  with 
other  Oriental  love  songs  to  help  us  appreciate  their 
purity  and  delicacy.  That  human  love,  glorying  in 
monogamy  and  redeemed  from  lust,  placing  the 
humble  home  of  the  peasant  on  a  higher  level  than 
the  harem  of  Solomon,  should  be  celebrated  in  our 
Scriptures  is  not  out  of  accord  with  the  teachings  of 
the  Master,  who  made  the  home  the  center  of  religion 
and  life. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


The  Old  Testament  Canon 

The  Law  or  the  Pentateuch — In  our  study  we  have 
already  seen  how  certain  portions  of  our  Old  Testa¬ 
ment  became  authoritative.  In  the  time  of  Moses 
there  was  a  covenant  relationship  between  Yahweh 
and  Israel.  A  decalogue,  most  likely  found  in  the 
ethical  commands  in  Ex.  xx.  1-17,  may  contain  the  pre¬ 
scriptions  which  the  nation  bound  itself  to  keep.  In 
621  B.c.  the  people  pledged  themselves  to  keep  all  the 
words  of  the  book  of  the  covenant,  and  canonized  Deu¬ 
teronomy  (II  Kgs.  xxii.,  xxiii.).  In  the  time  of  Ezra 
(cir.  398  b.c.)  there  was  a  further  reform,  and  the  peo¬ 
ple  deliberately  accepted  the  nucleus  of  P.  as  their  law. 
General  usage,  apart  from  any  demonstration  on  the 
part  of  the  people  or  formal  decree  of  any  ecclesiasti¬ 
cal  body,  must  by  common  consent  have  canonized  the 
whole  of  the  Pentateuch  sometime  during  the  fourth 
century  b.c.,  perhaps  before  the  beginning  of  the  Greek 
period. 

The  Prophets — The  second  division  of  the  canon, 
that  is,  the  prophets,  former  prophets,  Joshua,  Judges 
I  and  II  Samuel,  I  and  II  Kings,  and  the  latter 
prophets,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  the  Twelve, 
must  also  have  been  the  result  of  a  gradual  process. 
Ezekiel,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  the  only  book  against 
which  objections  were  raised.  This  was  due  to  the 
fact  that  its  legislation  failed  in  a  good  many  respects 
to  agree  with  the  laws  in  the  Pentateuch.  How  the 
books  were  preserved,  who  collected  them,  and  when 

314 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  CANON 


315 


they  were  collected,  are  historical  questions  to  which 
only  very  indefinite  answers  can  be  given.  The  in¬ 
trinsic  worth  of  the  books  is  the  best  evidence  of 
their  canonicity.  This  impelled  the  scribes  and  the 
late  teachers  to  preserve  them  and  give  them  the  place 
of  authority  they  merited. 

In  Ecclesiasticus  mention  is  made  of  all  the  his¬ 
torical  characters  who  are  outstanding  in  the  ‘Tormer 
prophets,’^  while  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  the 
Twelve  prophets  are  also  well  known  (Ecclus.  xlvi.- 
xlix.).  This  indicates  that  most,  if  not  all,  the  books 
of  the  second  canon  were  in  existence  and  were 
held  in  general  esteem  by  the  religious  leaders  in 
the  early  decades  of  the  second  century  b.c.  It  is 
quite  unlikely  that  the  collection  was  completed 
much  before  this  time,  as  parts  of  some  of  the  books, 
as  Zechariah  and  Isaiah,  had  not  long  been  written. 
Nor  is  it  likely  that  it  was  ^^open’’  much  later  than 
this,  or  a  book  like  Daniel,  that  must  have  been  popu¬ 
lar,  would  likely  have  gained  an  entrance  thereto.  We 
cannot  be  more  definite  than  to  consider  the  decades 
around  200  b.c.  as  the  probable  date  of  the  close  of  the 
canon  of  the  prophets. 

The  Writings — The  third  division  is  known  as  the 
^Writings,”  and  includes  Ruth,  Psalms,  Job,  Proverbs, 
I  and  II  Chronicles,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Lamentations, 
Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Solomon,  Esther,  and  Daniel. 
This  comes  last,  and  is  the  most  indefinite  of  all. 
Esther,  Song  of  Solomon,  and  Ecclesiastes  barely  es¬ 
caped  being  considered  apocryphal.  After  the  de¬ 
struction  of  Jerusalem,  the  Rabbinical  council,  which 
met  at  Jamnia  in  90  a.d.  and  again  in  118  a.d.  re¬ 
spectively,  labored  as  to  the  boundaries  between  the 
canonical  and  the  apocryphal  writings.  All  books 
in  the  above  list,  were  finally  accepted  officially 
in  118  A.D.  It  seems  curious,  perhaps  it  is  a  com¬ 
mentary  on  the  attitude  of  the  New  Testament  writers, 


316  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


that  no  one  of  these  disputed  books  is  referred  to  in 
the  New  Testament.  If  this  third  canon  was  not 
finally  ‘^closed’^  until  the  end  of  the  first  century  of 
the  Christian  era,  we  may  nevertheless  be  sure  that 
for  all  practical  purposes,  its  bounds  had  been  pretty 
clearly  defined  by  the  beginning  of  the  first  century 
B.c.  Many  Psalms  had  long  been  in  use  in  the  wor¬ 
ship  in  the  temple.  Proverbs  in  many  cases  found 
their  roots  in  the  soil  of  the  ancient  past,  and  were 
the  commonplaces  of  every-day  speech  long  before 
they  found  their  way  into  the  present  compilation. 
Job  was  a  book  that  must  have  been  appreciated  when  * 
it  first  saw  the  light,  and  it  is  unthinkable  that  any 
age  should  fail  to  give  it  a  place  of  honor  in  its  re¬ 
ligious  literature.  Chronicles  and  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
were  the  repositories  of  priestly  history  and  custom, 
and  must  have  been  held  as  authoritative  by  all  those 
who  were  interested  in  the  ritual  from  the  time  of 
their  composition.  So  with  the  other  books,  their 
intrinsic  value  won  for  them  a  place  in  the  minds  and 
the  hearts  of  many  people,  and  hence  they  were 
grouped  together  in  the  third  canon. 

As  we  review  these  three  divisions  of  the  canon,  we 
cannot  agree  with  a  Rabbinical  tradition  that  they 
represent  three  different  grades  of  inspiration,  the  Law 
possessing  a  higher  degree  of  inspiration  than  the 
Prophets,  which  in  turn  possesses  a  higher  quality 
than  the  Writings.  They  represent,  rather,  different 
stages  of  collecting  and  canonizing  the  individual  di¬ 
visions.  Each  group  represents  the  crystallization  of 
a  definite  religious  movement,  and  all  together  pre¬ 
serve  for  us  the  story  of  those  religious  struggles  and 
ideals  that,  because  of  their  universal  and  spiritual 
appeal  to  the  consciences  of  men,  proclaim  themselves 
to  be  the  word  of  God. 


Chronological  Chart 

FOR 

Old  Testament  Life  and  Literature 

The  value  of  definite  mile-posts  in  history  is  known 
to  all.  The  difficulties  of  setting  these  up  in  Old  Testa¬ 
ment  literature  is  fully  appreciated  only  by  those  who 
make  bold  to  achieve  it.  With  such  a  wealth  of  ma¬ 
terial,  the  product  of  so  many  centuries  and  of  so 
many  schools  of  thought,  and  frequently  with  so  much 
ignorance  concerning  the  minutiae  of  the  various  cur¬ 
rents  of  life,  no  one  would  assert  that  it  is  possible  to 
arrange  all  the  literature  in  its  assured  historical 
setting. 

Yet  some  order  is  better  than  none.  Where  the  tra¬ 
ditional  dates  are  possible,  which  is  so  for  a  major 
part  of  our  literature,  these  have  been  followed.  Where 
the  language,  content  and  spirit  of  a  passage  or  a 
book  are  completely  out  of  accord  with  such,  then 
what  has  seemed  to  be  the  preponderance  of  evidence 
has  been  accepted.  True,  a  good  many  messages  may 
be  interpreted  almost  equally  well  in  two  or  more, 
sometimes  widely  separated  periods.  Hence,  even 
when  guided  by  the  balance  of  probabilities,  there 
sometimes  remains  a  degree  of  uncertainty.  It  has  not 
been  deemed  wise  to  constantly  indicate  this,  either  by 
the  use  of  the  interrogation  mark  or  by  repetition.  It 
is  believed  that  most  of  the  subdivisions  of  the  litera¬ 
ture  can  be  interpreted  adequately  only  in  the  period 
to  which  they  have  been  assigned.  Also,  even  when 
the  date  is  problematic,  all  the  material  has  a  signifi¬ 
cant  message  where  placed. 

317 


318  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  writer  is  indebted  to  a  vast  host  of  interpreters 
for  the  critical  material  on  which  the  judgments  are 
based.  In  the  chart  there  is  nothing  that  is  new.  Most 
of  it  follows  the  consensus  of  Christian  scholarship.  It 
is  here  outlined  only  as  a  usable  not  as  an  infallible 
guide. 


OLD  TESTAMENT  OF  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 
CHRONOIOGICAL  CHART 


OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Date 


Hebrew  Histort 


Hebrew  Literature 


/ 


10000  Palestine  inhabited  before  10000  by  non-Semitic 

B.c.  people  of  early  stone  age.  These  followed  by  men 
of  the  late  stone  age. 


4000 

3000 


2500 


Amorite  immigration  gains  the  highlands,  slowly 
spreads  through  the  valleys,  down  to  the  coast 
cities. 


2000 


1900 


Abraham  a  part  of  this  movement. 


1600  All  Syria  tributary  to  Egypt,  1580-1350. 

1400  Habiri  overrunning  the  land. 

Asheru  clan  settled  in  the  north. 

Hittites  conquer  upper  Syria,  1350. 


1300 


Hittites  extend  south  and  contend  with  Egypt. 
Treaty  in  1271  with  Ramses,  leaves  most  of  Syria 
in  possession  of  the  Hittites. 


A  clan  called  Israel  reported  in  south  of  Palestine 
in  1222  by  Merneptah. 


320 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


Small  Nations 


Contemporary  History 


Babylonia-A  ssyria 


Date 


Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 


Arameana  in  north  Mesopotamia. 
Hittites  in  north  Syria. 


Civilization  in  Euphrates  valley 
running  back,  into  far  centuries. 


10000 

B.C. 


City  states  in  S.  Babylonia  preceding 
5000. 

Kingdom  of  Ur  before  4000. 

Rivalry  between  cities,  Ur,  Erech, 
Kish  from  4000-3000. 

Sargon  I,  king  of  Summer  and  Ak¬ 
kad,  2850. 

Naram-Sin,  2700,  king  of  the  four 
corners  of  the  world. 


Two  great  kingdoms, 
upper  and  lower 
Egypt  before  4000. 
Mining  in  Sinai. 

Old  kingdom,  2980- 
2475. 

Pyramid  building. 


Amorite  immigration  and  conquest. 

First  Babylonian  dynasty  2225-  Middle  kingdom, 
1926.  2160-1788. 

Hammurabi,  2123-2081,  sixth  king 
of  the  dynasty.  Code  of  laws 
compiled. 

Assyria  an  offshoot.  City  of  Ashur 
founded. 


4000 

3000 


2500 


2000 


Assyria  independent.  Wars  with 
Babylon. 


Oldest  edition  of 
Book  of  the  Dead. 

Ipuwer,  the 
prophet  of  social 
justice  and  the 
“good  shepherd.” 


1900 


Hittite  kingdom  at  Boghaz-koi,  1500. 


Hyksos,  Semitic  1700 
shepherd  kings 
rule  Delta,  1675- 
1575.  Driven  out 
by  Ahmose  I, 
founder  of  New 
kingdom,  1680- 
1150. 

1600 


Amarna  tablets  from  1400 
the  reigns  of  Am- 
enophis  III  and 
IV  show  upheaval 
in  Palestine. 

Ikhnaton  (Ameno- 
phis  IV)  the  here¬ 
tic  king,  1375-1358.  1300 


Ramses  II,  1292- 
1225.  Built  the 
border  cities  Ram¬ 
ses  and  Pithom. 
Pharaoh  of  op¬ 
pression. 


321 


322  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Date 


Hebrew  History 


Hebrew  Literature 


Exodus  of  important  body  of  Jacob  clans  from  Egypt 
in  1220.  Moses  the  leader. 


Stories  of  ancestors  and  clan  experiences  and 
customs  preserved  orally. 


1200 


Hebrews  in  the  wilderness.  Sinai  experiences. 
E  adesh-Barnea  their  chief  center. 


Enter  Canaan  from  the  e^t  1180.  Leah  tribes 
occupy  south.  Rachel  tribes  under  Joshua  the 
middle  and  the  concubine  clans  the  north. 


Period  of  the  judges,  1180-1040.  Judges  had  local 
influence.  A  number  may  have  been  contem¬ 
porary,  judging  in  different  tribes. 

Canaanites  defeated. 

1100  Canaanites  gradually  driven  back.  Much  assimila¬ 
tion  of  the  two  peoples  going  on. 

Moabites,  Midianites,  Arnmonites  defeated. 

Gideon  offered  the  kingship. 

Abimelech  king  in  Shechem  three  years. 

Philistine  conflict. 

Saul,  king  in  Benjamin,  1040-1013  ?  Other  tribes 
united.  Ammonites,  Philistines,  Amalekites  de¬ 
feated.  Strife  with  David  and  Samuel.  Defeated 
finally  by  Philistines. 

David  King  over  Judah  1013-973  ?  Tributary  to 
1000  Philistines.  Conflict  with  the  house  of  Saul. 

Conquered.  Jerusalem  taken  and  made  the  cap¬ 
ital.  Philistines  defeated.  Boundaries  extended. 
Kingdom  organized.  Rebellions  of  closing  years. 
Solomon  king,  973-933. 

Executions.  Commerce  extended  on  land  and  sea. 
Building  program.  Palaces  and  temple.  Interna¬ 
tional  relations.  Tyre  and  Egypt. 


New  decisions  necessary.  Ten  words  Ex. 
XX.  1-17.  ? 


Songs,  proverbs  and  tales  perhaps  all  oral. 
Jgs.  V,  ix,  xiv.  14,  15. 

Customs  changing.  Laws  of  the  Canaanites 
naturally  coming  unto  use. 


Schools  of  the  prophets  formed.  Songs 
martial  and  religious  composed  and  simg. 


Court  records  for  first  time  after  Jerusalem 
capital. 

David’s  laments  composed.  II  Sam.  i.  19-27; 
iii.  33-34;  xviii.^  3.  Nucleus  of  religious 
lyrics?  Ps.  xviii  and  others?  _ 

Nathan’s  parable  II  Ram.  xii.  1-4,  oral. 
Laws  made  I  Sam.  xxx.  24-25. 

Solomon’s  dedication  hymn,  I  Kgs.  viii.  12,13. 
Gen.  xlix.  1-27;  Ex.  xv.  1-18;  Nu.  xxiii. 
7 — xxiv.  19. 


DIVIDED  MONARCHY 


Israel 

Judah 

Jeroboam  I, 

933-915. 

Rehoboam, 

Abijan. 

933-920. 

920-917. 

Nadab, 

Baasha, 

Elah, 

91&-913. 

913-889. 

889-887. 

Asa, 

917-876. 

Warfare  between  the  two  kingdoms. 

Sheshonk  invaded  both,  pillaged  Jerusalem  in  929. 


Syria  invited  by  Asa,  attacked  the  north,  gained 
northern  cities,  opened  100  years’  war  about  890. 
North  returns  to  primitive  religion. 

South,  reform  under  Asa. 


Hero  stories  of  judges,  and  Saul  in  circula¬ 
tion. 

Biographies  of  David  and  Solomon  in  process 
of  formation. 

Judicial  decisions  of  judges  accumulating. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


323 


Contemporary  History 


Small  Nations 


Babylonia- A  ssyria 


Date 


Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 


Philistines  in  Palestine,  1170.  Enter¬ 
ing  from  the  west. 

Greece  Syria 


Merneptah,  1225- 
1215.  Campaign 
in  Palestine.  “Is¬ 
rael”  among  the 
defeated  clans. 
Pharaoh  of  the 
exodus? 

Egypt  rapidly  de¬ 
clines. 


Trojan  war,  1194- 
1184. 

In  Greece,  stories 
of  the  Trojan 
war  and  doings 
of  Achilles  sung. 


Branch  of  Ara- 
means  migrates, 
to  Syria. 

Syrian  kingdom 
founded  in  Da¬ 
mascus.  Ben- 
nadad  I,  king. 


Nebuchadrezzar  I  of  Babylon  reaches 
coast  of  Mediterranean,  1140-1123. 


Egyptian  decadence, 
1150-663. 


1200 


Sheshonk,  945-924, 
raided  Palestine. 
Spoiled  the  temple. 


Beginnings  of 
the  Iliad,  900. 

Benhadad  I  captured  cities  in  north 
Israel,  Ijon,  Dan,  Maaeah,  Galilee 

and  Naphthali,  890.  Assyrian  chronological  lists  exact 

from  893  to  666,  still  preserved 


900 


324  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Date 


Hebrew  History 


Hebrew  Literature 


887 


842 


740 


722 


701 


Zimri, 

Omri, 

Ahab, 

Ahaziab, 

Jehoram, 


887. 

887-875. 

875-853. 

853-851. 

851-842. 


Jehoshaphat, 

Ahaziab, 


876-843. 

843-842. 


Omn  developed  the’  country.  Peace  between  north 
and  south.  T3Te,  an  ally  of  Israel.  Samaria 
made  the  capital.  Moab  tributary.  Conflict  wth 
Syria. 

Ahab  continues  same  policy.  Alliance  with  Judah. 
Syria  worsted  in  battle.  Syria,  Israel  and  alli^ 
meet  Assyrian  army  at  Karkar  in  854.  Syria 
worsted  Israel,  853. 


Jehu, 
Jehoahaz, 
Jehoash, 
Jeroboam  II, 


842-814. 

814-797. 

797-781. 

781-740. 


Athaliah, 

Joash, 

Amaziah, 

Azariah, 

Jotham, 


842-836. 

836-796. 

796-782. 

782-751. 

751-735. 


Jehu  opened  a  half  century  of  national  disaster.  He 
massacred  the  royal  seed  of  both  Israel  and  Judah, 
and  slaughtered  the  priests  of  Baal.  Paid  tribute 
to  Assyria  in  842.  Gilead  and  Gad  were  devastated 
by  Syria.  Joash  of  Judah  had  to  bribe  Hazael  of 
Syria  by  temple  treasure. 

Jeshoash  of  Israel  introduced  a  half-century  of  pros¬ 
perity.  Defeated  Syria,  797.  Defeated  Amaziah 
and  breached  walls  of  Jerusalem. 

Jeroboam  II  drove  Syria  out  of  the  land. 

Peace  between  Judah  and  Israel. 


Zechariah 

Shallum, 

Menahem, 

Pekahiah, 

Pekah, 

Hoshea, 


740. 

740-738. 
738-736. 
736-734. 
734  -732. 
732-722. 


Jotham, 

Ahaz, 


751-735. 

735-715. 


Days  of  anarchy.  Four  of  these  six  kings  of  Israel 
were  murdered. 

Menahem  paid  tribute  to  Assyria  738. 

Israel  and  Syria  combined  against  Ahaz  of  Judah  in 
,.734.  He  called  in  Tiglath-Pileser,  giving  tribute. 
Assyria  came,  took  Damascus  in  732  and  spoiled 
Gilead,  deporting  many.  Ahaz  reconstructed 
temple  on  Assyrian  model. 

Samaria  besieged  by  Assyria  724-722  and  captured. 
Deportation  of  27,290. 

Colonists  introduced  into  Samaria. 

Jvdah 

Ahaz,  735-715. 

Hezekiah,  715-686. 

Hezekiah  was  a  good  king.  Judah  gained  consider¬ 
able  strength.  Siloam  tunnel  was  constructed. 
The  temple  was  purified  and  a  reform  in  religion 
carri^  out.  Assyrian  and  pagan  idolatry  banned. 
Alliance  with  Egypt  and  the  smaller  states  and 
revolt  against  Assyria  in  705.  Merodach-baladin 
usurper  of  Babylonia  encouraged  revolt.  Jeru¬ 
salem  sieged  in  701,  heavy  tribute  paid,  46  cities 
captured,  deportatiom _ 


Much  literary  activity. 

Law  codes  being  compiled.  Ex.  xxxiv.  14-26. 
Ex.  xxi-xxiii. 


J.  document,  story  of  patriarchs  and  early 
tribal  history  from  beginning  to  entrance 
mto  Canaan,  near  completion,  850. 


Book  of  Jashar,  war  songs.  Josh.  x.  12-13; 
II  Sam.  i.  19-27 ;  perhaps  II  Sam.  iii.  33-34; 
Jgs.  V. 

Wars  of  Yahweh.  Nu.  xxi.  14-15;  perhaps 
Nu.  xxi.  27-30.  Ex.  xv.  1-18. 

Early  book  of  Judges,  iii.  6— xvi.  31;  xvii — 
xxi. 

E.  document  completed. 

Ej.  (Elijah  stories).  I  Kgs.  xvii-xix;  xxi; 
II  Kgs.  i.  2-17. 

Es.  (Elisha  stories).  II  Kgs.  ii;  iv.  1 — vi.  23, 
viii.  1-15,  xiii.  14-21. 

Political  narratives.  I  Kgs.  xx;  xxii;  II  Kgs. 

iii.  ^27;  vi.  24 — vii.  20;  ix,  x. 

Amos  i-ix.  8. 


Hosea  i-xiv.  completed  before  735. 


Isaiah  began  his  ministry  737. 

Sermons  from  737-732.  Isa.  ii — iv.  1;  v. 
1-7;  vi-viii,  ix.  9— x.  4;  v.  25-30;  xvii. 
1-11;  V.  8-24. 


Sermons  from  727-722. 

Isa.  xiv.  28-32,  xxviii.  1-4;  xxiii.  1-14. 
Sermons  711. 

Isa.  xv;  xvi.  1-14;  xvii.  12-14;  xx.  1-6; 
xxi.  13-37. 


Sermons  701. 

Isa.  i.  1-31;  x,  5-19,  24-32;  xviii  1-6; 
xxii.  1-4,  15-25;  xxviii.  7-20;  xxix.  1-16; 
TTY  1— 17*  TTYl  1—4 

Micahi  i-iii.  v.  10-14;  vi.  9-16;  vii.  1-6; 
vi.  6-8. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


325 


Contemporary  History 


Small  Nations 


Babylonia-A  ssyria 


Date 


Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 


Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  gained  freedom 
from  Ahab  850.  Moabite  stone 
celebrates  the  victory. 


887 


Hazael  king  of  Syria,  843-790  (?) 
plunders  northern  Israel  and  east 
of  Jordan. 


Suffers  severely  from  Assyria  in  803 
and  797. 

Defeated  by  Israel. 

Greek  history  be^jins,  writing  of  the 
Od3rBsey  beginning. 


Benhadad  king  of  Syria,  790-755  (?) 
Defeated  by  Jeroboam  II. 


Rezon  of  Syria  attacked  Jerusalem  734 
Damascus  sieged  by  Tiglath-Pileser 
734,  captured  732,  and  kingdom 
ceased. 


Shalmaneser  II,  860-825.  Assyrian 
king  at  Karkar,  854  met  Syria  and 
her  allies  and  claimed  victory. 
Between  849  and  839  launched 
four  great  campaigns  against  Da¬ 
mascus,  thus  interfering  with  her 
attacks  on  Israel. 


Adad-Nirari  III,  812-783,  king  of 
Assyria.  Two  campaigns  a^inst 
Damascus,  803,  797. 


Ashur-Dan  III,  773-755,  king  of 
Assyria.  Two  campaigns  against 
Damascus,  773  and  765. 

Tiglath-Pileser  III,  745-727.  Assyria 
makes  war  on  Damascus  and  Is¬ 
rael  in  738  and  734. 


A8S3rria  exacted  tribute  from  Mena- 
hem  in  738.  Captured  Damascus, 
732,  conquered  and  deported  from 
north  Israel  and  east  of  Jordan. 

Shalmaneser  IV,  727-722.  Assyria. 
Campaign  against  Syria  and  Pal¬ 
estine  725.  Samaria  sieged  724, 
captured  722  in  beginning  of  Sar- 
gon  II  (722-705)  reign. 

Sargon  II  deported  Samaria  and 
colonized.  Rebellion  quelled  in 
Hamath,  Arpad,  Damascus,  Sa¬ 
maria,  Gaza,  Ashdod,  and  Egypt 
defeated  at  Raphia  in  720. 


842 


Rebellion  of  Ashdod  and  Philistine  Sbabako  (So  ?)  King 
cities  suppressed  in  711.  of  Egypt,  712-700. 

Sennacherib,  705-681. 

Rebellion  of  Hezekiah,  Phoenicia, 

Moab,  Ammon,  Philistine  cities 
quelled.  Jerusalem  sieged. 

Egypt  defeated  701. 


720 


701 


326  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Date 


689 


Hebrew  History 


Sennacherib  attack  on  JeruBalem? 


Manasseh,  686-641. 

Amon,  641-639. 

Manasseh  was  a  vassal  of  Assyria.  He  sent  building 
material  to  Nineveh  for  the  royal  palace  and 
soldiers  with  the  Assyrian  army  invading  Egypt. 
Religiously  he  was  pro-Assyrian  and  carried  on  a 
vigorous  persecution  against  Yahwism. 


Hebrew  LirEEATUEB 


Psalms  iii;  xx;  xxi;  xxviii. 

Proverbs,  a  nucleus  of  xxv.-xxix.  collected? 
J.  E.  documents  united  during  the  early  dec¬ 
ades  of  this  century. 


No  prophets  were  speaking;  no  literature  was 
made  public,  so  far  as  we  know  during  this 
reign.  Possible  that  Dt.  xii-xix.  xxviii. 
was  written  at  this  time,  if  not  earlier. 


639 


Josiah,  639-608. 

Good  king  Josiah  came  to  the  throne  as  a  boy. 
The  kingdom  was  too  small  to  play  a  part  in  world- 
politics. 


Zeph.  i.  about  630,  the  time  of  dread  of  the 
approaching  Scythians. 

Jer.  ii-vi  (from  62&-621).  Jer.  xi-xii.  6  (621). 


621 


The  Dt.  reform  in  621. 

Temple  cleansed.  Made  only  place  for  worship. 
High  places  destroyed.  Dt.  made  authoritative. 


608 


Josiah  slain  by  the  Egyptians  in  the  battle  of 
Megiddo. 


Jehoahaz,  608. 

Jehoiakim,  608-597. 

Jehoiakin,  597. 

Zedekiah,  597-586. 

Judah  was  now  a  vassal  to  Eg3rpt. 

Jehoahaz  was  deposed  by  Necho  and  Jehoiakim  was 
made  king  of  Jerusalem.  Heavy  tribute  was 
levied.  In  605  Judah  again  the  spoil  of  war  be¬ 
came  the  vassal  of  Babylonia. 


Zeph.  ii.  1-7, 12-15;  iii.  1-7.  (608). 

Nah.  i.  11, 14;  ii.  1,  3-13;  iii.  1-19. 

Jer.  vii.-viii.  22. 

First  edition  of  book  of  Jeremiah  (604). 
Most  likely  included:  Jer.  i.  4— -ix.  26; 
X.  17 — xii.  6;  xiv.  1 — xvii.  18;  xxii.  10-19. 
Narratives  referring  to  these  times.  Jer.  xxv, 
xxxvi,  xlv. 

Hab.  i-ii.  Chp.  iii,  a  psalm  later. 


601 

697 

588 


586 


Tribute  was  withheld,  and  allies  of  Babylon  raided 
the  country. 

Nebuchadrezzar  sieged  the  city,  took  it,  spoiled  the 
temple  and  took  10,000  of  the  princes  captive. 

Revolt  by  Zedekiah,  alliance  with  Egypt.  Ne¬ 
buchadrezzar  came,  city  taken  in  586,  razed  and 
second  captivity. 


Jer.  xviii.  1 — xx.  18;  xiii.  1-7  (601). 

Book  of  Deuteronomy  completed. 

First  edition  of  I,  II  Kings. 

Jer.  xxii.  24-50;  xii.  7-17;  xxiv.  1-10;  xxvii, 
xxix,  xxxv;  Mic.  iv.  9-10  (597).  Jer.  xxiii. 
9-40;  xxviii,  li.  59-64  (593);  Ezek.  i-xxiii 
(592-1);  Ezek.  xxiv-xxLx.  16;  Jer.  xxi. 
1-14;  xxxii-xxxiv;  xxxvii-xxxix  (588-586). 
Jer.  xl-xhv;  Ezek.  xxx-xxxix  (582). 


Gedaliah,  the  new  governor,  murdered  with  some  of 
the  Babylonian  guard  by  Ishmael.  Many  fled  to 
Egypt. 


Lam.  ii,  iv. 

Ps.  xviii,  xxvii,  Ixi,  Ixiii,  feii,  xlv,  xm,  xlvii, 
xlviii.  Referring  to  a  king  who  seems  to  be 
historic  and  not  a  foreigner,  belong  before 
the  exile  chiefly. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


327 


Contemporary  History 

Date 

Small  Nations 

Babylonia- A  ssyria 

Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 

City  of  Babylon  completely  de¬ 
stroyed,  692. 

Campaign  against  Arabians  in  689. 
Murdered  by  two  sons,  681, 
Esarhaddon,  681-668. 

Great  temple  builder.  Restorer  of 
Babylon.  Renowned  conqueror, 
Egypt  defeated,  Memphis  taken, 
670.  Crowned  king  of  Egypt. 
Palestine  and  Tyre  submit  and 
pay  tribute.  Revolt  in  Egypt 
quelled,  668-666. 

Shabatako,  700-691. 
Tirhakah,  691-665. 

Tirhakah  fled  from 
the  capital  670. 

700 

Ashurbanipal,  668-626. 

Subdued  Egypt  in  666  and  again  in 
662.  The  golden  age  of  Assyria. 
Great  _  library  at  Nineveh  built 
and  inscriptions  carefully  col¬ 
lected. 

Ashurtilili,  626-606,  and  Sinsharish- 
kun  last  kings  of  Assyria. 

Thebes  captured  by 
Assyria,  662. 
Psamtik,  662-610. 
Gains  throne  and 
independence. 
Scythians  bought 
off  at  the  border. 

630 

Nabopolassar,  626-605.  gained  inde¬ 
pendence  of  Babylon.  Nineveh 
attacked  by  Medes  in  625  but 
saved  by  the  Scythians. 

Necho,  610-694. 
Megiddo. 
Carchemish. 

60S 

605 

Nineveh  taken  by  the  Medes,  allies 
of  Babylonia  in  606-605.  Went 
as  spoil  to  Babylonia. 

Nebuchadrezzar  defeated  Egyptians 
at  Carchemish,  605.  King  of 
Babylon,  605-562.  Syria  and 
AB837ria  came  under  Babylonia. 
Rebuilt  Babylon.  Jerusalem  re¬ 
belled  and  captured. 

Psamtik  II,  594-588. 

697 

Jerusalem  again  rebelled  in  588. 
Sieged,  captured  and  razed  in  586. 

Hophra,  588-669. 
Army  of  Egypt 
sent  to  relief  of 
Jerusalem  defeated. 

586 

328  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Date 


586 


Hebrew  History 


Judah  in  Exile 

Jerusalem  was  uninhabitable.  The  country  desolate. 
Peasants  remaining.  Inroads  made  by  neighbors. 
Edom,  Arabs  and  others. 


Hebrew  Literature 


Egyptian  colonies. 

1.  Taphanes,  Migdol  and  Memphis.  Many  at¬ 

tracted  by  commerce.  Jeremiah  with  these 
exiles.  In  560  all  foreigners  were  expelled 
from  border  cities. 

2.  Assuan.  Here  was  a  Jewish  colony  from  be¬ 

fore  525.  A  temple.  Aramaic  papyri.  Re¬ 
lations  with  Jerusalem  in  400. 

Babylonia.  Colony  in  597. 

Great  prosperity;  splendid  culture;  considerable 
freedom;  self-government. 


Ezek.  xl-xlviii.  Temple  vision  in  572. 
Ezek.  xxix.  17-20,  appendix,  570. 

Dt.  xxxii.  1^3.  “Song  of  Moses.” 

Job.  i-ii.  xlii.  7-17.  Prose  story  of  Job. 


570 


Ezekiel  prophesying  592-570. 


550 


547 

to 

540 


Lev.  xi,  xvii-xxvi.  H.  C.  Other  similar 
priestly  regulations  accumulated. 

Edition  of  Jeremiah  by  Baruch.  Historical 
narratives  and  predictions  included. 

Edition  of  Isaiah,  including  historical  ma¬ 
terial;  Isa.  xxxvi-xxxix. 

Deuteronomic  activity. 

Second  and  final  edition  of  I,  II  Kings. 
Deutoronomic  edition  of  JE.  of  the  Pen¬ 
tateuch  and  Josh,  i-xii.  This  united  with 
final  edition  of  Deuteronomy. 
Deutoronomic  edition  of  Judges,  I,  II, 
Samuel  completed. 

Lam.  i.  V. 

Ps.  xxii,  Ixxvii,  Ixxxix,  cxxxvii,  exilic. 

Isa.  xxi.  1-10,  xiii-xiv.  23;  Jer.  i.  27li.  58; 
Isa.  xl-lv;  Hos.  i.  10-ii.  1;  Amos  ix.  8b- 
15;  Mic.  ii.  12, 13,  iv.  6-8;  Zeph.  ii.  8-11, 
iii.  8-20.  With  much  more  editorial  work 
on  the  existing  books. 


539 


The  Jewish  Community 

Sheshbazzar  local  governor  for  Persia  in  Jerusalem. 
Permission  to  return  granted  by  Cyrus.  Only 
small  groups  at  different  times  accepted.  Total 
in  two  centuries  a  little  over  42,360. 


520 

516 


Zerubbabel,  a  royal  prince,  local  governor.  Joshua, 
the  high  priest.  Haggai  and  Zechariah  urge  the 
rebuilding  of  the  temple.  Second  temple  dedi¬ 
cated  in  516. 

Seventy  years  of  silence. 

Edomites  driven  out  of  their  possessions  by  Na¬ 
bateans  press  up  into  the  south  of  Judah. 
Jerusalem  community,  small  and  mongrel. 


Hag.  i.  ii. 

Zech.  i-viii. 

Isa.  ix.  1-7,  xi.  1-10. 

Nah.  i.  12, 13, 15,  ii.  2  (516). 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


329 


Contemporary  History 


Small  Nations 

Baby  Ionia- A  ssyria 

Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 

Babylonia 

Persia 

Evil-  Marduk, 
561-559. 

Son  of  Neb- 
buchadrezzar. 

Nergalissar,  559- 
555. 

Brother-in-law 
of  predecessor, 
whom  he  mur¬ 
dered. 

Cyrus,  king  of 
Anshan,  559. 
Successfully  re¬ 
volted  against 
Persia,  550. 
Crowned  king  of 
Persia.  547. 

Labashi-Marduk, 

555. 

Ruled  nine 
months  and 
was  removed 
,  by  conspirators. 

Conquered  Lydia 
and  Aegean 
Greeks  546. 

Nabonidus,  555- 
539. 

One  of  the  con¬ 
spirators.  A 
new  family. 
The  last  king, 
an  antiquarian 
rather  than  a 
statesman. 

Belshazzar,  son 
of  Nabonidus, 
was  prince  re¬ 
gent  under  his 
father;  may 
have  bad  an 
official  position 
in  Babylon. 

Army  of  Cyrus. 
Entered  Baby¬ 
lon,  539,  under 
Gobryas,  his 
general.  Proc¬ 
lamation. 

Persia 

Cyrus.  Persia  (559-529). 

King  of  Babylon,  539-529. 

Cambyses,  529-522. 

Conquered  Egypt,  525,  destroyed 
temples,  slew  the  sacred  bull. 
Darius  I,  522-486. 

Insurrections  throughout  the  king¬ 
dom.  In  nineteen  campaigns  in 
seven  years  he  was  victorious. 
Reorganized  all  the  empire. 
Visited  Egypt,  rebuilt  the  temples, 
provided  a  bull.  Invaded  Europe. 
Battle  of  Marathon. 

Date 


586 


523 


517 

515 


330 

Date 

444 

432 

398 

380 

346 

332 

321 

320 

315 

280 

264 


OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Hebrew  History 

Hebrew  Literature 

Nehemiah  granted  leave  of  absence  by  Artaxerxes, 
goes  to  Jerusalem  and  builds  the  wall  in  52  days. 
Opposed  by  Ammonites,  Arabians  and  Samaritans. 
Organized  the  community. 

Isa.  xxxiv,  XXXV,  Ivi-lxii,  Ixiii.  1-6. 

Obadiah. 

Malachi. 

Isa.  ii.  2-4,  xix.  19-25. 

Mic.  iv.  1-5,  vii.  7-20. 

Nehemiah's  second  visit  to  the  city. 

Drove  out  the  foreigners.  Prohibited  commerce 
on  the  Sabbath.  Rebuked  marriages  with  foreign¬ 
ers.  Organized  the  treasury.  Demanded  that 
the  Levites  receive  their  dues. 

Neh.  i — vii.  5;  xiii,  4-31.  Nehemiah’s  mem¬ 
oirs. 

Ezra  iv.  8 — vi.  16.  Aramaic  document. 

Ezra  came  to  Jeiusalem  in  seventh  year  of  Arta¬ 
xerxes  II.  Law  book  read  seven  days.  Feast  of 
booths  observed.  Covenant  to  keep  the  law;  di¬ 
vorce  court  established;  113  cases  guilty. 

Psalm  book  No.  I  (Ps.  iii-xli  collected). 
Ezra’s  law  book,  which  was  the  nucleus  of  P. 

Enlarged  editions  of  the  law  code. 

Samaritan  schism  between  400  and  350. 

Priestly  edition  of  JED.  with  P.  400-350. 
P.  material  includes  genealogies,  statistics, 
priestly  traditions  and_  institutions,  e.g., 
Lv.  i-xvi;  Ex.  xxv-xxxi.  18;  i^v-xl;  vi. 
2 — vii.  13;  xii.  1-20.  Gen.  i-ii.  4a,  v.  1- 
28,  vi  9-22,  ix.  1-7;  x.  1-7.  Nu.  i-x.  28; 
xv;  xvii-xix;  xxvi-xiai.  Dt.  xxxii.  48-52; 
Josh.  xiii.  15-32;  ix.  17-21,  xiv.  1-5; 
XV.  1-13;  20-67;  etc.  Thus  Hexateuch 
completed  before  350. 

Job  iii-xlii.  6. 

Jewish  deportation  to  Egypt. 

Temple  desecrated.  Heavy  tax. 

Alexander  conquers  Syria.  Generous  to  Palestine 
and  Samaria. 

Ruth.  Jonah?  Isa.  Ixiii.  7-lxvi.  21.  _ 
Many  interpretative  additions  to  existing 
books  during  the  century:  e.g.,  Jer.  x.  1-16, 
xvii.  19-27. 

Joel. 

Isa.  xxiv-xxvii.  Apocalypse. 

Nahum  i.  2-10  an  apocalyptic  acrostic 
psalm. 

Judah  in  the  next  40  years  changed  masters  eight 
times. 

Ptolemy  I  captured  the  city  on  the  Sabbath  321,  and 
carried  Jews  captive  to  Egypt. 

Antigonus,  a  rival  general  took  and  held  Judah  until 
i301. 

Priestly  history  of  the  kingdom  compiled. 
I,  II,  Chronicles,  Ezra-Nehemiah,  after 
300. 

Judah  became  an  Egyptian  province  and  remained 
so  until  198. 

Ps.  xlii-lxxxix.  Collected  in  Psalm  Books 
II,  III. 

War  between  Egypt  and  Syria. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


331 


CONTEMFOEAHT  HiSTOET 


Small  Nations 


Greece 

The  age  of  Pericles  in  Athens.  461-431 

Aeschylus,  525-446 

Sophocles,  496-406 

Euripides,  480-406 

Socrates,  469-339 

Plato  427-347 


Persia 


Xerxes  I,  486-464. 

Subdued  revolt  in  Egypt  486. 
Battles  of  Thermopylae  and  Sala- 
mis.  Plataea,  479.  Persians  driven 
out  of  Europe. 

Artaxerxes  I,  464-424. 

Kindly  disposed. 

Xerxes  II,  424-423. 

Darius  II,  423-404. 


Date 


Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 


490 

480 

470 


Aristotle  384-322. 


Egypi-  became  inde- 
penden* 


410 


Philip  of  Macedon,  359-336. 
Conquered  and  organized  all  Greece 
by  338  and  laid  basis  for  world 
empire. 

Alexander  the  Great,  336-323. 

Battle  of  Issus,  333,  Tyre  and  Syria 
conquered,  and  Alexandria,  Egypt, 
founded,  332.  Battle  of  Arbela, 
Babylon  and  Persia  conquered. 
India  conquered.  Died  in  Babylon 
323.  Left  vast  empire  to  his  gen¬ 
erals. 

Conflicts  between  the  generals  over 
authority  and  boundary  lines.  Four 
great  divisions,  two  of  interest  to 
Old  Testament  study 


Artaxerxes  II,  404-358. 


Artaxerxes  III,  358-337. 

Egypt  and  Phoenicia  revolted. 
Jews  defeated  and  deported  to 
Babylonia  and  Hyrcania. 

Temple  spoiled. 

Arses,  337-335. 

Darius  III  335-331. 


353 

346 


Syria 

Seleucus  I,  311-281. 
Antiochus  I,  281-261. 
Antiochus  II,  261-245, 


Ptolemy  I,  322-285. 


322 


Ptolemy  II,  285-247. 


332  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Date 

Hebrew  History 

Hebrew  Literature 

248 

Judah  suffered  greatly 

Septuagint  beginning,  Pentateuch  into 
Greek. 

Job  xxxii-xxxvii.  Speeches  of  Elihu. 

230 

Joseph,  the  taxgatherer,  was  Egypt’s  representative 
until  208.  Luxurious,  oppressive. 

Prov.  x-xxiv.  Collected. 

Song  of  Songs.  Jonah. 

Zechariah  ix.-xi.  3  (230).  Lam.  iii. 

218 

208 

Syria  conquered  Palestine,  but  by  battle  of  Raphia, 
lost  again  to  Egypt.  Jerusalem  temple  defiled. 
Jews  enslaved.  Great  suffering. 

Hyrcanus,  illegitimate  son  of  Joseph,  successor  to 
his  father  until  175. 

Zech.  xi.  4-17,  xiii.  7-9,  xii.  1 — xiii.  6,  xiv. 
1-20  (210). 

H.BHKW 

198 

Battle  of  Banias.  Syria  gained  Palestine.  Very 
lenient  to  Jews. 

Ecclesiastes. 

Job  xxviii. 

Prov.  i-ix,  XXX.  1-4, 
XXX.  5 — xxxi.  31. 
Esther. 

Ecclesiasticus. 

175 

Jason,  a  Hellenized  Jew,  bought  the  high-priesthood. 
Onias  III,  thus  deposed,  went  to  Egypt  and  became 
priest  in  a  new  temple  built  to  Yahweh  in  Leon- 
topolis. 

172 

Menelaus  outbid  Jason,  and  was  ordained  high 
priest.  Disregarded  sanctity  of  the  temple  and 
pro-Grecian.  Jason  raided  the  temple. 

170 

Antiochus  plundered  the  temple  and  put  a  thousand 
Jews  to  death. 

Apoc.  Enoch  i.-xxxvi. 

168 

Prohibited  circumcision,  possessing  a  copy  of  the 
Scriptures,  Sabbath  observance,  and  demanded 
the  eating  and  sacrifice  of  swines’  flesh  by  all  Jews. 
Altar  to  Zeus  set  up  in  temple. 

167 

Maccabean  revolt  led  by  Judas,  assisted  by  tne  Hasi- 
dim  successful.  Syrian  armies  defeated,  167-165. 

Daniel,  165. 

165 

Temple  rededication  Dec.  25,  165. 

Hasidim  secede  from  the  war  party. 

Judas  continues,  gains  victories  from  163-161,  when 
he  is  slain. 

Ps.  Ixxiv;  Ixxxix;  xliv. 
Maccabean. 

Apoc.  Enoch  bmiii- 
xc.  161. 

161 

Jonathan,  his  youngest  brother,  succeeds  as  leader, 
161-143. 

143 

141 

Simon,  an  older  brother,  succeeds  and  rules,  143-135. 
Sends  an  embassy  to  Rome,  and  gains  important 
concessions. 

Appointed  king  and  high-priest  of  the  Jewish  com¬ 
munity. 

Ps.  cx. 

Ps.  xc-cl.  i.  ii.  col¬ 
lected.  Psalm  books 
IV.  V. 

Much  editorial  work 
done  during  the 

1  preceding  century. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


333 


Contemporary  History 


Small  Nations 


Syria 


Date 


Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 


Seleucus  II,  245-227. 


248 


Seleucus  III,  227-224. 


Ptolemy  III,  247-222. 


Antiochus  III,  224-187. 

Conquered  Palestine  and  northern 

Syria  in  198.  Crossed  into  Greece  Ptolemy  IV,  222-205. 

but  driven  out  by  Roman  army. 

Then  at  Magnesia  in  190,  in  Asia  Ptolemy  V,  205-181. 
Minor,  was  defeated,  and  lost  terri¬ 
tory  and  prestige. 


Antiochus  IV,  187-164. 

War  against  Egypt,  171-168,  suc¬ 
cessful.  Romn  senate  interfered 
with  his  activity.  The  victory  at 
Pydna  in  Macedonia  in  168,  had 
made  Rome  the  first  power  in  the 
world. 


Ptolemy  VI,  181. 
Ptolemy  VII,  181- 
161.  Weak  kings, 
now  under  tutelage 
of  Rome. 


198 

170 


Antiochus  V,  164-162. 
Demetrius,  162-150. 


165 


Alexander  Balas,  150-145. 


143 


Demetrius  II,  145-136. 


136 


334  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Datb 

Hebrew  Histort 

Hebrew  Literature 

HEBREW  literature 

extra  canonical  : 

JEWISH  LITERATURE 

John  (Hyrcanua  I),  bis  son,  succeeded  him  in  office, 

135 

135-105. 

Old  Testament  canon 

virtually  closed  by 

Twelve  Patriarchs. 

100  B.C. 

Tobit. 

100 

Greek  translation 

Sybilline  Oracles,  iii. 

(Septuagint)  of 
most  of  them  com- 

97-818. 

Apoc.  Enoch.  xci.-civ, 

64 

pleted. 

I  Maccabees. 

Psalms  of  Solomon. 
Apoc.  Enoch,  xxxvii.- 

Ixx. 

Judith. 

II  Maccabees. 
Susanna,  Bel  and  the 

Dragon. 

The  Three  Holy  Chil- 

dren. 

Wisdom  of  Solomon. 

40 

Jubilees. 

Slavonic  Enoch. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


335 


SmaU  Nations 


CONTEMPOKARY  HiSTOBT 


Syria 


Antiochus  VI,  136-126. 


Date 


Egypt  and  Nile  Valley 


130 

126 

100 


64 

63 

50 


40 


SELECTED  BOOKS  OF  REFERENCE 


Archceology 

Barton,  George  A.  “Arcliseology  and  the  Bible.’^  American 
Sunday  School  Union,  1916. 

Peters,  John  P.  “Bible  and  Spade.”  Charles  Scribner’s  Sons, 
New  York,  1922. 

Ancient  History 

Breasted,  James  Henry.  “A  History  of  the  Ancient  Egyp¬ 
tians.”  Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York,  1908. 

Goodspeed,  George  Stephen.  “A  History  of  the  Babylonians 
and  Assyrians.”  Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York,  1902. 

Old  Testament  History 

Smith,  H.  P.  “Old  Testament  History.”  Charles  Scribner’s 
Sons,  New  York,  1903. 

Kent,  C.  F.,  and  Riggs,  J.  S.  “A  History  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Jewish  Peoples.”  Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

Wade,  G.  W.  “Old  Testament  History”  (3d  ed.).  E.  P.  Dutton 
and  Company,  New  York,  1904. 

Peritz,  Ismar  J.  “Old  Testament  History.”  The  Abingdon 
Press,  New  York,  1915. 

Old  Testament  Religion 

Peters,  J.  P.  “The  Religion  of  the  Hebrews.”  Ginn  and  Com¬ 
pany,  Boston. 

Smith,  H.  P.  “The  Religion  of  Israel.”  Charles  Scribner’s 
Sons,  New  York. 

Ottley,  R.  L.  “The  Religion  of  Israel.”  The  Macmillan  Com¬ 
pany,  New  York. 

Marti,  K.  “Religion  of  the  Old  Testament.”  Putnam,  New 
York,  1907. 

Barton,  George  A.  “The  Religion  of  Israel.”  The  Macmillan 
Company,  New  York,  1918. 

Kirkpatrick,  A.  F.  “The  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets.”  The  Mac¬ 
millan  (Company,  New  York,  1901. 

337 


338  OLD  TESTAMENT  LIFE  AND  LITERATURE 


Old  Testament  Literature 

Bewer,  Julius  A.  “The  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament  in 
Its  Historical  Development.”  Columbia  University  Press, 
1922. 

Driver,  S.  R.  “Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testa¬ 
ment”  (9th  ed.).  Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 
Kent,  C.  F.  “The  Student’s  Old  Testament.”  In  six  volumes. 

Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

Fowler,  H.  T.  “A  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel.” 

The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

Gray,  G.  B.  “A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament.” 

Duckworth  and  Company,  London,  1913. 

McFayden,  J.  E.  “Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament.”  A.  C. 

Armstrong  and  Son,  New  York. 

Chapman,  A.  T.  “An  Introduction  to  the  Pentateuch.”  Cam¬ 
bridge  University  Press.  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  and 
Colleges  Series. 

Old  Testament  Commentaries 

“International  Critical  Commentary,”  25  volumes.  Charles 
ScribneFs  Sons. 

“Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges.”  Cambridge  Uni¬ 
versity  Press ;  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  general  editor. 

“The  Century  Bible.”  Walter  F.  Adeney,  general  editor.  T.  C. 
and  E.  C.  Jack,  Edinburgh. 

“Bible  for  Home  and  School.”  Shailer  Mathews,  general  editor. 

The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

Peake’s  “Commentary  of  the  Bible.”  In  one  volume.  Thomas 
Nelson  and  Sons,  New  York,  1919. 

Bible  Dictionaries 

“Dictionary  of  the  Bible.”  Complete  in  one  volume.  Edited 
by  James  Hastings.  Charles  ScribneFs  Sons,  New  York, 
1909. 

“Standard  Bible  Dictionary.”  M.  W.  Jacobus,  editor.  Funk 
and  Wagnalls  Company,  New  York,  1909. 

“Dictionary  of  the  Bible.”  Four  volumes  with  extra  volume. 
James  Hastings,  editor.  Charles  ScribneFs  Sons,  New 
York. 


INDEX 


A 

Abiathar,  97 
Abihu,  53 
Abijah,  127 
Abimeleck,  73 
Abiram,  53 
Abraham,  33-34,  154 
Adonijah,  97,  109 
Agag,  83,  85 

Ahab,  135,  136,  137,  138 
Ahaz,  166,  167,  168,  172 
Alexander,  281,  282 
Amarna  Tablets,  5,  9,  59 
Amaziah,  147 
Ammonites,  70,  79 
Amon,  187 
Amorites,  7 

Amos,  148,  150,  157,  158,  159,  191 
Antiochus  III,  283 
Antiochus  IV,  283,  284,  305 
Apocalypticism,  278-290,  296-305 
Ark,  85 

Artaxerxes  I,  258 
Artaxerxes  II,  259 
Artaxerxes  III,  268,  280 
Asa,  128 
.A-stiGr  00 

Ashurbanipal,  186,  187,  188 
Assuan,  223,  224 

Assyria,  134,  135,  136,  145,  161, 
162,  163,  164,  172,  184,  202 
Athaliah,  135,  144,  145,  146 
Authorship,  21,  22-31 
Azariah  (Uzziah),  144,  147,  148, 
166 

B 

Baalism,  138,  139,  192 
Baasha,  128,  129 
Babylonia,  3,  8 
New,  202,  203,  204 


Babylonian  Colony,  224,  225, 
226 
Ban,  85 
Barak,  69 
Baruch,  241 
Belshazzar,  238 
Benhadad  I,  136 
Benhadad  II,  143 


C 

Calebites,  59 
Calf-worship,  55,  130 
Cambyses,  247 
Canaan,  59,  60,  63,  65-69 
Canaanite,  8,  86 
Canon,  314-316 
Captivity,  Israel,  163,  164 
Captivity,  Judah,  206,  210,  218, 
224-226,  238 
Chasidim,  285 
Chronicles,  290,  291 
Concubine  Clans,  67 
Covenant,  47,  49,  215 
Covenant  Code,  49,  156,  157,  195, 
233 

Cyrus,  237-240,  242 


D 

Daniel,  Message,  301,  302,  303, 
304 

Daniel  i.,  iii.-vi.,  293,  294 
Daniel  ii.,  vii.-xii,,  301,  302,  303, 
304,  305 

Darius  I,  246-248 
Dathan,  53 

David,  21,  81,  82,  90-107 
Dead  Sea,  13 
Deborah,  69,  73 
Decalogue,  48,  154,  155 


340  INDEX 


Deuteronomy,  29,  193-196,  215, 
216,  233 
Reform  of,  191 

School  of,  108,  124,  125,  131, 
133 

E 

E.  Document,  27,  156,  157 
Ecclesiastes,  117,  311,  312 
Eden,  2 

Edom,  221,  258,  264,  265 
Egypt,  4,  5,  8,  169,  188,  221,  222 
Elah,  129 
Eli,  78 
Elihu,  277 

Elijah,  139,  140,  141,  143 
Elijah  Stories,  156 
Elisha,  140 
Elisha  Stories,  156 
Eltekeh,  170 
Ephod,  86 

Esarhaddon,  186,  187 
Esther,  292,  293 
Esther,  book  of,  258 
Exile,  218,  224-226,  238,  248,  249 
Exodus,  38-40 

Ezekiel,  206,  208,  209,  212,  218, 
221  227-2^2 

Ezra,  244,  259,  260,  262,  263 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  book  of,  245, 
246 

F 

Folk  Tales,  291-294 
G 

Gedaliah,  211,  218 
Gideon,  70,  73 
Gilead,  60 
Goshen,  37 

Greek  culture,  286,  287 

H 

Habakkuk,  203,  204,  241 
Habiri,  9,  60 
Haggai,  246,  252,  253 
Hammurabi,  4,  157 
Hananiah,  208 
Hazael,  143,  144 


Hebrew  Bible,  19 
Hexateuch,  22-31,  270,  271 
Hezekiah,  168-171,  173,  184 
Hittites,  9 

Holiness  Code,  232-234 
Hosea,  book  of,  148,  150,  151,  159, 
160,  194,  212,  241 
Hoshea,  161,  163 
Hyksos,  37 
Hyrcanus,  283 

I 

Ikhnaton,  5 
Individualism,  213,  214 
Ipuwer,  5 

Isaiah,  167,  170,  173,  176,  184, 
212 

Isaiah,  book  of,  176-180 
Isaiah  xxiv.-xxvii.,  296,  297 
Isaiah,  xl.-lv.,  241,  242 
Isaiah  Ivi.-lxvii.,  258,  264,  265 
Isaiah  Ixiii.-lxvi.,  279,  280 
Isaiah,  message  of,  180,  181,  182 

J 

J.  Document,  27,  153,  154,  155, 
156 

JE.  Document,  197 
Jabesh-Gilead,  79,  80,  83 
Jacob,  33 

Jasher,  book  of,  152 
Jason,  284 
Jehoash,  146 
Jehoahaz,  146 
Jehoiakim,  200,  205 
Jehoiakin,  205,  206 
Jehoram,  144 
Jehoshaphat,  137 
Jehu,  145,  146 
Jephthah,  70 

Jeremiah,  53,  191,  196,  197,  201- 
215,  222 

Jericho,  62,  63,  69 
Jeroboam,  126,  127,  129,  130 
Jerusalem,  169,  170-171,  181,  218, 
251,  265,  266 
Jethro,  52 

Jezebel,  135,  140,  144 
Joab,  97,  109 


INDEX 


341 


Joash,  146,  147 
Job,  275-277 
Joel,  278 

Jonah,  272,  307,  308 
Jonathan,  91 

Jonathan  Maccabeus,  285 
Jordan,  12,  62 
Joseph,  35 

Joseph  the  tax-gatherer,  283 
Josiah,  188-192 
Joshua,  book  of,  63,  64 
Jotham,  166 
Judah,  65,  66 
Judges,  73,  157 
Judges,  book  of,  64,  65 
Judas  Maccabeus,  284,  285 

K 

Kadesh-Barnea,  43,  46,  49,  50,  61 
Kenites,  46,  55,  59 
Kings,  book  of,  120-124 
Korah,  53 

L 

Lamentations,  235,  236 
Leah  tribes,  66,  67 
Legalism,  269,  289 
Legislation,  84,  99,  105,  142,  269- 
270 

Levites,  131,  231 
Leviticus  xvii.-xxvi.,  232-234 
Literature,  88,  106,  115,  141,  152 
Liturgy,  294,  295,  296 

M 

Maccabees,  284-286 
Malachi,  258,  264,  265 
Manasseh,  185,  186 
Manna,  50,  51 
Megiddo,  69 
Menahem,  161,  162 
Menelaus,  284 
Merneptah,  60 
Merodach-baladan,  169-171 
Messiah,  255,  266,  267 
Messianic  hope,  254,  255,  266,  267 
Micah,  173,  183,  241 
book  of,  182,  188,  264 
message,  183 


Micaiah,  141 

Midian,  46,  60,  61,  69 

Moab,  60,  61,  137 

Moabite  stone,  135,  136,  141,  152 

Monarchy,  73,  77-79,  125 

Moses,  22-31,  39,  44,  55^  56 

N 

Nabataeans,  221,  258,  265 
Naboth,  140 
Nadab,  53,  127 
Nahum,  198,  199 
Nathan,  104 

'NTq  T*1  PQ  7^ 

Nebuchadrezzar,  202,  205,  206, 
232 

Necho,  189,  200,  202 
Nehemiah,  245,  259-262 

0 

Obadiah,  258,  264,  265 
Omri,  134,  138 
Onias  II,  283 
Onias  III,  284 
Ophir,  111 

P 

Padi,  of  Ekron,  169 
Palestine,  1,  2,  6,  10,  14 
Patriarchs,  33-35 
Pekah,  161,  162 
Pekahiah,  161,  162 
Pentateuch,  22,  23,  282,  306,  314 
Philistines,  71,  78,  80,  82,  95,  128, 
134,  148,  168 

Priests,  106,  131,  231,  290 
Priestly  activity,  30,  31,  263,  289 
Priest  code,  263,  269,  270 
Prophecy,  86,  140,  314,  315 
Proselytes,  306 
Proverbs,  117,  174,  175 
Proverbs,  book  of,  308-311 
Psalms,  174,  217,  236,  237,  273, 
274 

Psalms,  book  of,  273,  274,  295, 
296 

Psalms,  Maccabean,  294 
Psalms  of  Solomon,  118,  294 
Ptolemy  I,  282 


342 


INDEX 


Ptolemy  II,  282 
Ptolemy  III,  283 
Ptolemy  IV,  284,  285 

R 

Rachel  tribes,  65,  66 
Ramoth-Gilead,  135,  136,  141 
Ramses  II,  38 
Rechabites,  140 
Reformation,  191,  192 
Rehoboam,  126,  127 
Return  from  captivity,  248-251 
Ruth,  271,  272 

S 

Samaritans,  164,  267 
Samson,  71,  72 
Samuel,  78,  87 
Samuel,  book  of,  76,  77 
Sanballat,  261 
Sanhedrin,  287,  288 
Sargon  I,  3 
Sargon  II,  167,  168 
Saul,  79-84 

Scribes,  18, 112, 240,  241, 257, 271 
Scythians,  189,  190 
Seleucids,  283 
Seleucus  IV,  283 
Sennacherib,  168-171,  179 
Septuagint,  20,  21,  51,  117,  282, 
306,  307 
Serpents,  51 

Servant-Songs,  242,  243,  249 
Seventy  years,  254,  302-305 
Shabako,  167 
Shalmaneser  IV,  41,  163 
Shamgar,  71 
Sheba,  96,  97 
Sheva,  100 
Shechem,  129 
Shephelah,  11 
Sheshbazzar,  250 
Shiloh,  78 
Shimei,  96,  109 
Shishak,  127 
Siloam,  172 
Simon  Maccabeus,  286 
Sinai,  42-44,  46 
Solomon,  97,  108-115 


Song  of  Solomon,  117,  312,  313 
Superscriptions,  21,  107,  241 
Sumerians,  3 
Synagogue,  288,  289 
Syria,  109,  128,  136,  162 

T 

Taboo,  84,  85 

Temple,  first,  110,  111,  116,  117, 
130,  131 

of  Ezekiel,  230-232 
second,  251,  253,  254,  256,  257, 
272 

Leontopolis,  284 
Teraphim,  84 

Tiglath-Pileser  III,  161-163,  167, 
178 

Tribes  of  Israel,  34,  35,  52,  163, 
164 

U 

Urim  and  Thummim,  84 
Uzziah  (Azariah),  144,  147,  148, 
166 

W 

Wars  of  Yahweh,  book  of,  152, 
153 

Wilderness  of  Sinai,  42-45,  49 
Writing,  15-19,  100,  152 
Wisdom,  310,  311 
Wisdom  Literature,  257 

X 

Xerxes  II,  258,  259 
Y 

Yahwism,  105,  118,  119,  130,  140, 
141,  144,  149,  150,  173 

Z 

Zadok,  97,  231 
Zechariah,  246,  252 
Zechariah  ix.-xiv.,  298-301 
Zedekiah,  206,  208,  210 
Zephaniah,  190,  191,  241 
Zerubbabel,  253,  256 
Zimri,  129 


Date  Due 


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